Episode Transcript
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When news came on the television, the
0:47
Chalsheskus had been captured and in fact killed.
0:50
They showed pictures of Nikolai and Yevgena,
0:53
Chalsheskou, lying in the snow, dead.
0:55
And the medical staff and the
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patients all erupted in ecstasy. They
1:01
cheered to the echo as though they were
1:03
watching some football match and their team had
1:05
scored. It was a very striking moment and
1:07
you got a real sense of how hated
1:09
these two had been. This
1:13
is Cold War Conversations and if you're
1:15
new here you've come to the right
1:17
place to listen to first-hand accounts of
1:19
the Cold War. Do make
1:22
sure you follow us in your podcast app
1:24
so you don't miss out on future episodes.
1:27
Alan Little recounts his journey from his
1:29
student days in Edinburgh to working as
1:31
a journalist on the front lines of
1:33
Cold War history in Eastern Europe and
1:35
beyond. In
1:38
1989 he found himself on the night shift at
1:40
the BBC in London when the Berlin Wall fell.
1:43
Witnessing the world change in real
1:45
time, Alan's desire to be part of
1:47
these monumental events grew stronger. He
1:50
shares his experience as a journalist
1:52
during the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia.
1:55
Alan describes the electrifying atmosphere of
1:57
Wenceslas Square and the fear of
1:59
a violent... crackdown. Alan
2:01
also takes us to Romania during
2:03
the fall of Nikolai Ceausescu's brutal
2:05
regime. He recounts in detail
2:08
the chaos, the gunfire and the
2:10
bloody reality of the revolution's human
2:12
cost. The episode
2:14
also delves into his time during the
2:16
1991 Gulf War in Baghdad. He describes
2:18
the eerie experience of watching the city
2:21
being bombed from his hotel room and
2:23
the resilience of the people around him.
2:25
As the episode draws to a close,
2:27
Alan reminds us that while we may
2:29
know what a society is
2:32
transitioning from, we should be cautious
2:34
in predicting what it's transitioning to.
2:36
I'm delighted to welcome Alan Little
2:38
to our Cold War conversation. I
2:42
was a student in Edinburgh in the early 80s and
2:44
I was writing an
2:46
essay in my room and my flatmate knocked
2:50
on the door, put his head around the
2:52
door and said, there's been a military coup
2:54
in Poland. And I
2:56
was instantly on sort of red alert. I thought,
2:58
my goodness, a military coup in Europe in this
3:00
day and age. We had a little black and
3:02
white TV at the time and
3:04
I used to watch this guy
3:06
every evening on the Tea Time News. He'd
3:09
been a stringer in Warsaw, a BBC
3:11
stringer, completely unknown until this moment, but
3:13
because the Poles, the
3:15
Jaruzelski regime sealed
3:18
the borders, nobody could get in. This
3:20
guy called Tim Sebastian, BBC
3:22
Stringer resident in Warsaw, and he was there and it
3:24
kind of made his name, because it was on every
3:26
night suddenly. And I remember thinking,
3:28
what must it be like to be him? Imagine
3:30
having that front row seat witnessing
3:34
the theater of history unfold.
3:37
Imagine being in Poland when there's a military clampdown.
3:39
And I remember being very
3:42
excited about the prospect of being
3:44
present as history is made
3:46
and that sort of galvanized me into trying
3:48
to get into journalism. Will Barron What was
3:51
that path for you into journalism? I can't
3:53
imagine you see many adverts of foreign correspondent
3:55
knocking around. John Walling No, I was told
3:57
young journalists at the heart, as part of
4:00
their career is going to be the start.
4:02
Getting in is so competitive. I got a
4:04
lucky break. I got offered a three-month contract
4:06
at BBC Scotland straight out of university just
4:08
to bash the
4:11
phones. So I spent six months in
4:13
the BBC Scotland newsroom. Then
4:15
I got on a training course in
4:18
London to train to be a radio
4:20
reporter. I spent a couple of years
4:22
in local radio in England in Southampton.
4:25
Then I got an attachment to the Today programme.
4:27
It gained a three-month attachment to Today and
4:29
then they extended it for three months and then
4:32
they made it permanent, or as
4:34
permanent as jobs were back then, a year's
4:36
contract. It was during my time
4:38
at the Today programme. About nine
4:40
months after I joined on attachment,
4:43
things started to move in Eastern Europe.
4:46
The 1989 revolution started to take off.
4:49
I was desperate to get in on the act. I
4:51
was too junior and they wouldn't send to me. Then
4:54
the Berlin Wall fell. I was on a night
4:56
shift the night the Berlin Wall came down. I'd
4:58
been to Prague. To believe it or not, I'd
5:01
actually been to Prague the
5:03
previous year to watch
5:05
a football match. Hearts
5:07
were playing in the UEFA Cup and I'd
5:10
spent about five or six days there. Pretending
5:13
to be a heart supporter got me a visa and
5:15
I was able to go and spend
5:17
some time in a country that was really
5:19
hard to spend any time in as a
5:21
tourist. I knew
5:24
a few people in Prague and I started badgering
5:26
my editor to let me go to Prague. Then
5:30
finally, there was a student demonstration on the
5:32
17th of November, which
5:35
ended up with the police clamping down and
5:37
rumours of people being killed, which proved to
5:39
be not true. Then that started the demonstrations
5:41
in Czechoslovakia. My editor then rang me and
5:44
said, get yourself a visa and get on
5:46
a plane. I got to Prague
5:48
sometime in the week
5:51
beginning, the 20th of
5:53
November, I think it was, and
5:55
attended those massive demonstrations on Wenceslas Square
5:57
and started talking to people who were
6:00
demonstrating to try and bring down the communist
6:03
regime. But the communist regime in Czechoslovakia was
6:05
considered one of the more hard-line
6:07
ones in Eastern Europe at that time, and
6:09
people were still talking about a kind of
6:11
Tiananmen Square-type resolution to this
6:14
in Prague. People were genuinely frightened that
6:16
there would be a very violent crackdown
6:18
by the communist regime. Indeed,
6:22
a similar story from me. I saw
6:24
Rangers against Dukkla Prague in 1981 in
6:26
Prague. Not being
6:30
a Rangers fan, I happened to be there
6:32
on holiday, and the tour guide said I
6:34
can get you a ticket for this game.
6:37
That was quite interesting as Dukkla was a military
6:39
club. That's right. It was Dukkla Prague that Hartz
6:41
were playing in the second round of the UEFA
6:43
Cup, and I
6:46
went with a couple of friends who were
6:48
genuine Hartz fans, and we drove from London
6:51
across Europe and across the border in
6:53
West Germany, and drove up to
6:55
Prague that way. I remember being very excited to
6:57
be on the other side of the Iron Curtain.
7:00
Mason Wow, that must have been
7:02
some journey. What preparation did the
7:04
BBC give you for being
7:07
a foreign correspondent, if any?
7:09
Dukkla I suppose almost none,
7:11
but I was already an
7:13
experienced radio reporter, so I
7:15
knew how to tell
7:18
a story on the radio. But no, they
7:20
didn't groom me in any traditional sense to
7:22
be a foreign correspondent. They just sent me
7:24
on this assignment, which I mean,
7:27
nobody expected this to happen in Eastern Europe,
7:29
and it all started to take off if
7:31
you remember that summer. Remember, this is a
7:33
pre-digital age. There's no internet to look up,
7:35
no mobile phones or anything like that. And
7:37
there was a department called News Information in
7:40
the old broadcasting house, and you went to
7:42
News Information and said, give me everything you've
7:44
got on Czechoslovakia. They had
7:46
a very small file, newspaper clippings,
7:50
because almost nobody had done any
7:52
reporting from Czechoslovakia for years. They
7:54
photocopied about, I don't know, a
7:56
couple of dozen newspaper
7:58
cuttings. a lovely feature
8:00
by Joan Bakewell. She'd been allowed to get
8:03
into Prague about 10
8:05
years previously and she'd written a piece
8:07
about Bohemia. So you literally, you landed
8:09
at the airport with your visa and
8:11
got on a taxi and said, take
8:13
me to the revolution. The taxi driver
8:16
would say, oh, there are some students making
8:19
placards in Charles University, I'll
8:21
drop you there. So that's, it
8:23
was seat of the pad stuff. Wow.
8:25
And did you have any challenges
8:27
with the language? Were you finding English speakers who
8:30
could tell you what was going on? This
8:33
was my first real foreign assignment.
8:35
I'd been given day trips to
8:37
Berlin and Spain before, but
8:39
this is my first foreign
8:41
assignment in which there was a moving news story.
8:44
I was learning how to operate on the job.
8:46
So I was concentrating on finding people who
8:48
could speak English. And then after a few days,
8:50
I met this young medical student. He
8:53
was in the third year of his medical degree
8:55
at Charles University and he spoke pretty good English
8:57
and he agreed to come and work with me
8:59
as a translator. So I was then able to
9:02
speak to people who didn't speak any English and
9:04
that opened a lot of doors for me. And I'm still
9:07
in touch with him. He became a friend. We spent weeks
9:09
together and we've stayed in touch all
9:11
these years. Wow. Wow.
9:14
And what sort of feeling
9:16
were you getting from people? Stressful.
9:21
Some people were quite reluctant to speak. They
9:23
were still scared. They were still trying to
9:25
work out what was happening. The
9:28
medical student I hooked up with, he
9:30
said to me, when
9:33
I sit my final exams at the end of
9:35
fifth year, I'll have to pass five exams. They
9:39
are medicine, hygiene, obstetrics
9:41
and gynecology, surgery,
9:44
and Marxism-Leninism. So
9:46
I said, wait a minute, 20% of your
9:48
intellectual effort has got to be devoted to
9:50
this sort of 19th century
9:53
philosophical cul-de-sac in the European tradition. And he
9:55
said, yep, we've got to do that. So
9:57
I said, is there a professor of Marx's?
10:00
Leninism in
10:02
a medical faculty, he said, yes, there is. Do you want to
10:04
go and meet her? So we went to
10:06
this woman's office. She taught
10:09
Marxism-Leninism to medical students.
10:12
And we sat in her office, and we
10:14
could hear the sounds of the revolution coming
10:16
up from the street below through the open
10:18
window. And I remember saying to her, so
10:21
you're a high priestess of this religion that's
10:23
being torn down as we speak. Do
10:26
you even believe in its credo?
10:30
And she said to me, look, and she was
10:32
a woman in her, I'd say late fifties. She
10:34
said, look, those of us who lived through 1938, 1948, 1968, we know better than to
10:36
ask that
10:40
question. We do our jobs. We
10:43
keep our heads down. We go to
10:45
her at the weekend with our family, and we
10:47
have a good private life. And it was my
10:50
first encounter with what I understood came to be
10:52
known as internal exile, where the sort of educated
10:54
urban middle classes in Eastern
10:56
Europe simply retreated from the public square,
10:58
retreated from any kind of participation
11:01
in public discourse, and just opted to have
11:03
as happy a life as they could in
11:06
the restricted atmosphere, because to do anything else
11:08
was too dangerous. You ended up in jail
11:10
like Harville, I suppose, and other dissidents, or
11:12
you ended up not being
11:14
allowed to work at your chosen profession, the
11:16
profession for which you were qualified. I mean, all those
11:19
educated people who ended up as window cleaners
11:21
and construction workers because they had spoken out
11:23
against the regime in 1968, including
11:26
Marta Kubisheva, the so-called Czech nightingale, the folk
11:28
singer who came to prominence in 1968. She
11:30
disappeared after 1968, after the Soviet invasion,
11:36
and was never heard of again until one
11:40
afternoon at four o'clock in Wenceslas Square,
11:42
she appeared on the balcony with
11:44
Vaclav Havel and sang the
11:46
Czechoslovak National Anthem. And
11:49
people all around me, I was standing maybe 30 meters
11:53
away in a crowd of 400,000, and
11:55
everybody knew exactly who she was, even though
11:57
her name had not appeared in any public
12:00
location, on the radio, on
12:02
television, anywhere for 21
12:05
years. People still knew exactly who she
12:07
was and what she symbolized, what she
12:09
represented. Mason- I think
12:11
she had a famous song. I seem to
12:13
remember seeing footage of her singing. Al-
12:16
I first heard of her when I met a young
12:18
woman called Blanca, and she
12:20
also worked for me as a translator.
12:22
She took me home to her parents
12:24
flat, where she and her brother lived
12:26
with their parents in a little flat. Her father
12:28
told me- and this was when it was safe
12:30
to speak, this was after the regime, the
12:33
Politburo announced it was resigning, and that everybody knew
12:36
that it was a matter of time before Havel
12:38
was sworn in as president. And
12:41
her father told me that he'd listened to the Czech
12:44
service of the BBC World Service,
12:46
and they used to do a program
12:49
every evening for 15 minutes.
12:52
It was the Czechoslovak service. And
12:54
he would listen very quietly with the shortwave
12:56
radio up against his ears, just in case
12:59
if he listened at a normal volume, he
13:01
was afraid his neighbors might hear and report
13:03
him. And the BBC
13:05
and the census and
13:08
the country used to play cat and
13:10
mouse with each other, because the Czech
13:12
regime would jam the signal, and
13:14
the BBC would change the frequency. And
13:17
then after a few days, the Czechs would catch
13:19
up with that and jam that signal, and then
13:21
they would move this frequency again. So he described
13:23
how he'd have to move around the dial till
13:25
he found the program. And
13:27
he took me to a cupboard under the
13:29
stairs and a walk-in cupboard in
13:31
which there was this amazing archive from
13:34
1968. It was a kind of alternative
13:36
history of the country. So there were
13:38
magazines and books and newspaper cuttings and
13:41
photographs and records,
13:43
songs, including songs by the Czech writing
13:45
and Martin Kubishva. And it was a
13:47
kind of alternative history of the country,
13:49
an archive documenting his
13:51
version of the history of the country. And he would say, he said to
13:54
his kids at school, study the
13:56
official history, pass the exams, because you'll need all that,
13:58
but it's all lies. And
14:00
here's the real history of our country, which
14:02
I'm keeping privately and secretly. You must never
14:04
tell anybody that we've got
14:07
this because it's dangerous and seditious. But
14:09
it was safe now for him to show me that. And
14:11
it was an amazing example of how
14:14
ordinary people kept alive a history
14:17
that contradicted the platitudes
14:19
and truisms of the communist regime. Yeah,
14:22
because after 1968 Czechoslovakia went
14:24
under that period
14:26
of so-called normalization. And
14:30
all those memories had to
14:32
be suppressed until 1989. And
14:36
as you've outlined, I mean, the bravery
14:38
of people like Harville to actually stick
14:40
their heads above the parapet and,
14:43
you know, all the signatories of Charter 77
14:45
is incredible. Because,
14:48
you know, if you were living in
14:50
Czechoslovakia at that time, as you've illustrated,
14:54
you don't know that this regime is going to
14:56
disappear in 1989. So
14:58
therefore, what do you do? Do you keep your head down
15:01
like some people did? And as you've
15:04
described, or do you actually stick your
15:07
head above the parapet and protest and
15:09
take the consequences? Yeah,
15:11
there was, I mean, I met a man called Bat-Slob
15:13
Marley, who was a priest, and
15:15
he had spent years in jail. And he was very
15:19
quiet and very
15:21
reserved, but absolutely stealing his
15:23
determination to, as Harville put it, live in
15:25
truth. And he was
15:27
another one who had spent time. And Harville
15:29
himself had been in jail as recently as
15:31
April. And by December, he was president in
15:34
Kraczynie Castle. And there was
15:36
something apt about, in
15:39
Bohemia, in Czechoslovakia, about
15:41
a revolution led by a theater
15:43
director and a playwright. There was something
15:45
highly theatrical about the, something quite performative
15:47
about the way in which the Czechoslovak
15:49
regime collapsed and was brought down.
15:52
And I remember Harville gave daily press
15:54
conferences in a theater called the Magic
15:56
Lantern. And, you know,
15:59
you could tell, there was something quite artistic
16:03
about the aspiration, and it embraced
16:07
the working class as well. I remember
16:10
the regime denounced the
16:13
revolution led by a theatre director and
16:15
supported by a student as bourgeois counter-revolutionaries
16:18
and called on the working class
16:20
to come out in support of
16:22
socialism. Havel called on the working
16:25
class to down tools one day and said,
16:27
let's have a symbolic strike of two hours,
16:29
12 noon till 2pm,
16:31
I think the following Monday. I
16:34
and the medical student, Voyend,
16:36
I was working with. We drove
16:38
out to a town called Cladno, north
16:40
of Prague. It was then
16:42
a huge steel town, one of the biggest steel
16:45
plants in Europe. It
16:47
had been in the late 40s
16:49
and 50s a sort of bedrock
16:52
of heartland of communism and communist
16:54
activism. It was written up
16:56
as a sort of hero city in the official history
16:58
of the country. The regime
17:00
talked about the red glow of Cladno because
17:02
of course the steel plant would cast a
17:06
red light in the night sky.
17:08
This was symbolic of its socialist solidarity.
17:10
So we went out to Cladno and
17:12
we went to the gates of the
17:16
steel plant and waited and went
17:18
bang on the
17:20
stroke of noon. The doors opened and
17:22
the workers all marched out in
17:25
file, thousands and thousands of them carrying
17:28
banners in support of the revolution. I
17:30
remember one of them said, plurality
17:33
not brutality, which also rhymes in
17:35
Czech. And another banner
17:38
that said, the bourgeois
17:40
reactionary students are our children.
17:42
It was profoundly moving. You
17:44
sort of knew at that
17:46
moment that it was over for the
17:48
communist regime, which had become obviously corrupt
17:51
and detested and hated by
17:53
almost everybody. You mentioned
17:56
Marta Kibishva before, but there was
17:58
another face from 9. 1968
18:01
who appeared next to Harville in Wenceslas
18:03
Square? That's right. It was
18:05
the same day as Morteka Bishop was there.
18:07
We came out of the tube station
18:09
and there were 400,000 people
18:12
in the square, the organizers reckoned,
18:14
and the balcony was on,
18:16
I think, the second floor of
18:19
a building that housed a newspaper
18:21
called Sforbodneslovo, which means free words.
18:23
And this was a newspaper that
18:26
was published by the small socialist
18:29
party. I think it was the Socialist Party, and
18:31
it was one of the parties that was a
18:33
kind of front
18:36
party. It was controlled by the
18:38
Communist Party, obviously, but to
18:40
show that the Communist Party were in
18:42
coalition with other parties. Sforbodneslovo
18:45
had broken ranks with the
18:47
Communists early on and were
18:49
publishing anti-communist editorials and stories
18:51
in the newspaper. And I
18:53
remember going there at midnight
18:55
each night and the crowds
18:57
would gather and they would
18:59
throw copies of tomorrow morning's paper from the balconies
19:02
onto the streets and people would eagerly
19:04
scoop these up to read the
19:06
latest anti-communist
19:10
stories. And so they allowed
19:12
Harville to speak from the balcony
19:14
each afternoon at four o'clock. Blanca
19:17
and I emerged from the metro station,
19:19
again, about 20 meters from the balcony,
19:21
and absolutely crowded with people. We couldn't
19:23
move. People were standing shoulder to shoulder.
19:25
It was cold. Everybody had big coats
19:28
on. And there was a gentle
19:30
fall of snow. And suddenly,
19:32
Harville appeared on the balcony with Martin
19:35
Kibishua and an old man, a white-haired
19:37
old man. Everybody kind
19:39
of gasped. I
19:41
know what it's like to hear 400,000 people gasp
19:44
in disbelief at the same time. I
19:46
said to Blanca, what is it? She said, oh
19:48
my God, I can't believe it. It's him. It's
19:50
Dukcek. It's Alexander Dukcek. And there he was, this
19:52
old man. And what I couldn't understand
19:55
was how Blanca, who was 21 years old,
19:58
how she recognized him because he had disappeared. appeared
20:00
from public view 21 years earlier, the year
20:02
she was born. Alexander Duchék
20:04
was the first Secretary of the Communist
20:06
Party in Czechoslovakia and effectively the leader
20:08
of Czechoslovakia from January 1968 to April
20:10
1969. He oversaw significant reforms
20:16
to the Communist system during a period
20:18
that became known as the Prague Spring,
20:20
but his reforms were reversed and he
20:22
was eventually sidelined following the Warsaw Pact
20:24
invasion in August 1968. For
20:27
more information, see Episodes 14 and 17. Mason
20:32
W For
20:35
more information, see Episodes 14 and
20:38
17. Alexander Duchék I wondered how many 21-year-olds in Britain
20:40
could identify Harold Wilson, who was Prime Minister of the
20:42
United States. His image hadn't been banned and it was
20:44
because of this archive under the stairs and her parents
20:47
hoped that she knew exactly who he was. He spoke
20:49
from 19th
21:21
century buildings on each side of
21:23
the square and echoed up and down.
21:25
It was absolutely breathtaking. It was like watching
21:29
a magician bestow liberation with the
21:31
uttering of a kind of magic
21:34
spell. You sort
21:36
of knew at that moment that
21:39
it was all over. Of course, Duchék himself
21:41
went on to become, I think, Speaker of
21:43
Parliament in the new dispensation.
21:46
At the time, I didn't think very much of
21:48
the fact that it was the name of the
21:50
nation that so electrified people, but Marta Kibishova, a
21:53
few minutes later, the song she
21:55
chose to sing was the national anthem. Not
21:58
a hymn of liberty or democracy. And
22:00
I came to understand much
22:02
later that at the time I thought of it
22:05
as a sort of anti-communist pro-democracy uprising,
22:07
but it was also a
22:09
moment of national liberation. And
22:12
I don't think I fully appreciated how much the
22:15
idea of national liberation from a
22:17
hated foreign occupation was a
22:19
powerful motivating factor. I think
22:22
I reported at the time as essentially a
22:24
pro-democracy uprising. But in fact, what we were
22:26
witnessing in real time was the much delayed
22:28
end of the Second World War and
22:31
the reunification of a
22:33
partitioned continent. And I
22:35
think I would come to understand the power
22:37
of that a few years later in former
22:39
Yugoslavia, where I would see the
22:42
call of the tribe, the call of the nation. In
22:45
hindsight, it taught me a lesson that quite
22:47
often as journalists watching events unfold in real
22:49
time, we know what a nation or a
22:52
society is in transition from, but we should
22:54
be very careful when making judgments about what
22:56
we think it's in transition to. So we
22:58
thought at the time that Eastern
23:01
Europe countries of the Warsaw Pact
23:03
were in transition from communism and
23:05
Soviet occupation and in transition to
23:07
Western European style liberal democracy. Well,
23:11
it turned out that the
23:13
situation was a bit more complicated than that.
23:15
And what we've seen in the last decade
23:18
or so is in
23:20
many of these former communist countries, the
23:22
rejection of Western European
23:24
ideals and models of
23:26
liberal democracy in favor
23:29
of what Orban, for example, calls illiberal
23:32
democracy. And so I think
23:35
in 1989, we might have been a little too
23:37
quick to make
23:39
our assessment what the countries were in
23:42
transition to. G.L.Y.K. You're a podcast listener,
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Just search for Cold War Conversations on
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Amazon and leave a review for the
24:16
podcast. Thank you. The
24:19
description you gave of Dubchek
24:22
appearing on the balcony and the
24:24
other descriptions there are so evocative.
24:27
And I think it can be
24:29
difficult to remember how earth shattering
24:32
these events were. You
24:35
know, I remember at the time thinking the Soviet
24:37
Union is going to be there forever and
24:40
that's just the way it's going to
24:42
be. And yet within the passage of
24:44
a few months and years, the whole
24:46
of that structure
24:48
had been swept away.
24:52
Yes, I remember thinking it that day
24:54
when Dubchek appeared, I remember thinking even
24:56
at the time that this is one
24:59
of those pivotal years in history. And
25:01
I thought to myself, how many years
25:04
has carried this significance
25:06
of historical change since
25:08
the French Revolution? And
25:10
I thought, okay, 1789, 1815, you can make a case for 1848, 1870, 1919, 1945, six. This
25:23
is the seventh and I'm watching it
25:26
in real time as a young reporter. Six
25:30
or seven dates in
25:33
the history of Europe since the French Revolution
25:35
have been as weighty and as important as
25:37
this. You can even narrow that down
25:39
to four or five. So
25:42
it was a huge privilege to be there.
25:44
And for me, it was my first big assignment
25:47
and it doesn't get
25:50
any better than that in terms
25:52
of the idea that
25:54
the privilege we have as journalists sometimes
25:57
of stumbling into a situation where we
25:59
are there. watching in real time as
26:02
history turns. Mason-Amazing times,
26:04
amazing times. Al-Khalili And
26:06
I went down to
26:08
Bratislava because they
26:10
announced that the border to Austria was
26:12
going to be opened for the first
26:14
time, I think, since 1948.
26:16
And what I hadn't understood was that when
26:21
the Austro-Hungarian Empire, of course, Bratislava was only 25
26:23
miles from Vienna. And and at one
26:26
time, even had a German name. And
26:29
people had a living memory before
26:31
1948 of being able to take
26:34
a tram or a train into
26:36
Vienna from Bratislava to watch the opera and
26:39
go home in the same evening. And then
26:41
this curtain descended, and Bratislava
26:43
and Slovakia generally were cut off from
26:45
the imperial capital, which had been such
26:47
an important part of the identity and
26:49
civic life of Bratislava. And they
26:51
were going to open the border for the first
26:54
time at midnight. So I went down to watch
26:56
people gathering for the symbolic opening and crossing into
26:58
Austria for the first time, being allowed to cross
27:00
into Austria for the first time. It was kind
27:02
of a mini version of what had
27:05
happened at the Berlin Wall on November the 9th.
27:07
So this was about three weeks later. And
27:09
that was an important symbolic
27:11
moment as well. And again, I saw
27:13
in it the reunification of
27:16
a continent that had been partitioned at the end of the Second World
27:18
War. Ubuntu 27 Amazing
27:21
times! Amazing times! Sir�Ind
27:24
I remember thinking on the border
27:26
there between Bratislava and between
27:28
Slovakia and Austria. I remember waking
27:31
up to what I sort of subconsciously
27:34
known about central Europe, which had been
27:37
for many generations a kind
27:39
of polyglot, polycultural melting
27:42
pot, and there was"... There
27:44
was a Prague in the 19th century, for
27:46
example, was a German-speaking city. Franz Kafka lived
27:48
in Prague. He was a German speaker. And
27:51
most people would have been at
27:53
least bilingual, if not trilingual. When
27:56
the emperor put out a proclamation, it had to put out in 14
27:58
or 15 languages. And
28:01
there was still just about a
28:03
folk memory of that tradition.
28:05
And there was a story
28:08
about census takers in Bohemia
28:10
asking people, are you German or Czech? And
28:13
the answer would be yes. I am
28:16
a German or Czech, depending on the content
28:18
in which I find myself. When I'm in
28:20
the countryside growing my cabbages, I'm Czech. When
28:22
I'm in the city selling them, I'm German.
28:24
So people were used to living in
28:27
a multicultural, multilingualistic world. There's
28:29
a very moving scene in Joseph
28:31
Roth's Radetsky March, the
28:33
novel where a young
28:35
soldier saves the life of the emperor almost
28:37
by accident. The emperor grants him
28:40
some land and he becomes a member of
28:42
the mine and ability. And
28:44
he's a Slovene. He goes home to visit his
28:47
father, who's a gardener, one of the emperor's estates.
28:49
The father is so overwhelmed by his son being
28:51
a member of the nobility, he feels he has
28:53
to speak German to him. And
28:55
there's a moment of great awkwardness and
28:58
estrangement between the two men as the
29:00
father speaks the language he thinks
29:02
his son has been elevated
29:04
into. And watching that
29:07
exchange across the border was a
29:09
reminder of that vanished world, that
29:11
central European melting pot. Do
29:13
you remember Otto von Bismarck? He was a member of
29:16
the European parliament and he was the heir to the
29:18
Bismarck dynasty. And
29:21
Austria was playing Hungary at football and
29:25
somebody said to him, are you going to watch
29:27
the Austria-Hungary game? And he said, who are we playing? As
29:32
a kind of joke. So the consciousness of
29:34
that world that had pretty much
29:36
disappeared between the wars came
29:39
back into the European story, came
29:41
back into popular consciousness. And I found that very
29:44
fascinating. Not long after
29:46
that stint in Czechoslovakia, I was
29:48
parachuted into Romania just before
29:50
Christmas as things started to take off there. So
29:54
Romania was the kind of hermit, well
29:56
Albania was the real hermit country, but Romania
29:58
was a very closed country. as well.
30:00
It was a very, very brutal regime and
30:02
known for that. And suddenly we heard rumors
30:04
of popular
30:07
demonstrations in
30:09
Timishwara in the west of the country.
30:12
Now, what I didn't really fully understand
30:14
at the time was that the ethnicity
30:16
was a big part of that part
30:18
of Romania's identity. And
30:20
the demonstrations were
30:24
being held in support of a Lutheran
30:27
pastor called Lazlut Turkish, and
30:29
his name is Hungarian, of course. And
30:31
it was a huge Hungarian minority in
30:34
western Romania, and
30:36
also quite a big
30:38
German-speaking population. And
30:41
again, this ethnic patchwork in Romania
30:43
was a reminder of how Europe
30:47
had been divided up after the first
30:49
world war, and Hungary had lost an awful
30:51
lot of territory because it
30:54
had fought on the wrong side of the war. It had
30:56
lost the war. And huge parts
30:58
of what many irredentists
31:01
in Hungary believed to be
31:03
naturally Hungarian territory were
31:05
carved off and given to some of the other
31:08
new states, including parts of Serbia and the north
31:10
and Romania and the west. And
31:12
so I was told to get on
31:14
a plane to Belgrade in what
31:19
was then Yugoslavia, get a car
31:21
and drive to the Romanian border and try to
31:23
get across. When I went to Czechoslovakia,
31:26
I had a visa and
31:28
everything. I was legitimate, but
31:30
there was no time to apply for a visa
31:32
for Romania. And a colleague
31:34
and I drove from Belgrade to
31:36
a town called Voskac in Serbia
31:40
on the border. And we checked into a hotel for
31:42
the night, and at dawn, we got up and tried,
31:44
and they led us across the border. But the border
31:46
guards were warning us to be careful. They
31:49
didn't share a language, but they managed to
31:51
indicate that there was gunfire, there was fighting
31:53
on the road and in the
31:56
town. And we got there and
31:58
there was turmoil. demonstrations,
32:00
the soldiers were everywhere, and
32:02
I remember spending the night at
32:05
the studios of Radio Timishwar,
32:08
which had been taken over by the
32:10
demonstrators, and the airwaves had been captured
32:12
by the anti-regime uprising, and the Ceauseskis
32:15
were still in power at this
32:17
point. We didn't know that they'd tried to get away,
32:21
and had in fact been captured. What
32:23
happened was, late at night, and
32:26
it was December, so it was very dark, I think
32:28
it was Christmas Eve, or the day before Christmas Eve,
32:31
suddenly the army burst into the radio station and
32:33
told us all to get into a room in
32:35
the middle of the building that had no exterior
32:37
walls or windows, and they'd switched all the lights
32:40
off and told us to lie on the floor.
32:42
Suddenly there was a gun battle outside. Securitati,
32:45
the army told us it was the
32:47
Securitati trying to storm the building. The
32:51
Securitati, the security police, had stayed
32:53
loyal to the Ceauseskis
32:55
regime, because of course if the Ceauseskis
32:57
fell, they would be in the
33:01
firing line for the brutality they'd meted
33:03
out in support of the Ceauseskis regime
33:05
over the years, and they would try to
33:07
storm the building. So it was a
33:09
very frightening few hours we spent there,
33:11
thinking that if the Securitati get in
33:13
here, they will come in with guns
33:15
firing, and we'll be in the way. So there
33:18
was a standoff, the army defended the building, and
33:20
I remember how exhausted they looked, how
33:22
absolutely shattered all the soldiers looked, and
33:25
we had to shelter there for the night until the battle
33:28
was over. Then something
33:31
very odd happened.
33:34
The army started giving press conferences saying
33:36
that 70,000 people had been killed by
33:41
the Securitati during the uprising in
33:44
Romania and 5,000 in Timishwara. And
33:48
there was a young Polish journalist
33:50
there who was a stringer for
33:53
the Sunday Telegraph, and his name
33:55
was Radek Sikorski. And
33:57
he was very strikingly articulate and
33:59
very strikingly clever. He
34:02
turned up to have been a schoolboy
34:04
in Britain at the time of
34:06
the 1981
34:09
clampdown in Poland and therefore couldn't go
34:11
back. He spent the years
34:13
of his teens and early 20s in Britain
34:15
as a refugee. He had got this job
34:18
as a stringer for the Sunday Telegraph and
34:20
he was highly skeptical. He
34:22
roused the skepticism of the oppressed people and he
34:24
would say to the army spokesmen, if
34:26
there are 5,000 dead in this city, can we see
34:28
the bodies please? Where are the bodies?
34:31
He was invested in the anti-communist
34:33
story and if any of
34:35
us was going to believe the stories of
34:38
all these dead, Radek Sikorski had
34:40
the motivation to believe it, but he was the one
34:42
who led the challenge. It was very striking, very impressive
34:44
and we asked to see the bodies and eventually they
34:46
showed us a few bodies in the morgue and
34:48
most of them had had surgery. These were people
34:51
who had died in hospital from natural causes or
34:53
from disease and they couldn't show us any –
34:55
there were some dead. I saw some myself, but
34:57
not 5,000 and I remember thinking Tim
34:59
Ishwar is about the size of Edinburgh, which is where
35:01
I'd gone to university and
35:04
I thought, if there were 5,000 people dead in Edinburgh in a
35:06
city of 500,000, I would know some of them
35:09
personally or I would know people who knew some of them.
35:11
So we started to challenge the official narrative
35:13
of the army spokespeople, but the headlines all
35:15
said 70,000 people dead at
35:18
the hands of the church, yes, it simply wasn't true. What
35:20
had happened in Romania, in
35:23
contrast to Czechoslovakia,
35:25
was a military coup. It wasn't
35:27
really a popular revolution, although it
35:29
was supported – the coup was
35:31
supported by the people,
35:34
but it was really a military coup that
35:37
had some popular legitimacy, but it was quite
35:39
hard to understand exactly what was going on.
35:41
But I remember being in a hospital talking
35:44
to people about what was going on when news
35:47
came on the television that the Ceauseskis had been
35:49
captured and in fact killed. They
35:51
showed pictures of the dead. They didn't show the
35:54
moment of the killing, they showed pictures of Nikolai
35:56
and Yevina Ceauseskis lying in
35:58
the snow dead. And
36:00
the medical staff and the patients
36:02
all erupted in ecstasy. They
36:05
cheered to the echo as though they were
36:07
watching some football match and their team had
36:09
scored. It was a very striking moment and
36:11
you got a real sense of how hated
36:13
these two had been. I mean,
36:16
that must have been a terrifying
36:19
time for you because this is
36:21
your first time sort of where
36:23
your life is really in danger
36:25
in Timishwara. Yeah,
36:27
it was the first time I'd ever heard guns fired
36:29
in anger. And I remember going into a school room,
36:33
which had been turned into a kind of field hospital. And
36:36
I was completely blindsided by
36:38
it. In retrospect now, I don't think I
36:40
really knew how to operate in that situation.
36:42
And there was a very exhausted doctor. He
36:44
was quite an old man. He must have
36:46
been well into his sixties. And
36:49
he was trying to handle this himself. And
36:51
he turned the school room into field hospital.
36:53
And there was an Italian journalist there who'd
36:55
been shot. And I was
36:59
really shocked by that because
37:01
I thought I'm here to witness not to suffer.
37:05
And it makes you recalibrate. And
37:08
there was a young man on a mattress. And
37:11
he was about my age, late twenties, he would lie
37:13
on a mattress and it was a sort of waterproof
37:16
tarpaulin on the mattress. He
37:19
had a big, a thick chew in
37:22
his mouth down into his lungs. And
37:25
he was, he was naked
37:27
from the waist up and
37:29
he was covered from the waist down. He was covered in a
37:31
sheet and he
37:34
had clearly bled out. But
37:37
the respirator was still going. And
37:40
as his chest rose and fell to the
37:42
rhythm of the respirator, I could see
37:44
his elbow dip in and out of
37:47
the blood that had pooled, his own
37:49
blood that pooled in the indentation made
37:51
by the weight of his body in the
37:53
mattress. And I remember even at the
37:55
time thinking, he's dead. He's
37:57
dead. And then the staff haven't had
38:00
time to do anything about it. And
38:03
he's in a bloodbath. I
38:05
thought, gosh, this is a bloodbath.
38:07
This is a literal bloodbath. We
38:09
normally use that phrase metaphorically. And
38:12
I've never, as far as I know, as far
38:14
as I can remember, I've never used the phrase
38:16
in any of my reporting since. Because
38:20
early in my career, I saw a real
38:22
one, a literal one, and it made a
38:24
very profound impact on
38:26
me. ALICE V. O'BRIEN-DINGHALA Difficult to
38:29
imagine that experience, but thank you
38:31
for giving me that
38:34
description. How long were you
38:36
in Romania for? Were
38:38
you just there for a few days, or did you
38:40
see, or did you get to
38:42
Bucharest? ALICE V. O'BRIEN-DINGHALA I didn't get to
38:44
Bucharest. The BBC was well represented in Bucharest
38:46
by much, much more senior people than me.
38:48
I was there still
38:50
working exclusively for the Today program, turning around
38:55
colorful radio packages with lots of people's
38:57
voices in them. So we stayed in,
38:59
and also it was very hard to
39:01
file from Romania, because the
39:03
phones weren't working very
39:06
well or very reliably. So two
39:08
or three times, I drove from
39:10
Timishwara back across the border to
39:12
Vršas, where my producer had
39:14
booked a hotel. And we
39:17
were filing our stories from Serbia, and
39:19
then driving back in. And I
39:22
remember this was really the one, I was only there
39:24
a few days, maybe a week, and
39:27
because the BBC by then had more senior people
39:29
than me there. And
39:32
I remember when we came out for the last
39:34
time, we drove not back
39:36
to Serbia, but to Hungary,
39:38
to Budapest, which by now
39:40
had had its own anti-communist revolution,
39:42
was at peace. And we checked into a
39:44
five-star hotel on the banks of the Danube.
39:46
And it was the first time that I
39:48
experienced that sense of elation, of
39:51
having seen something profound and very
39:53
dangerous and frightening, and of having survived
39:55
and got out to safety. And it
39:57
was a sensation I'd become. familiar
40:00
with in the years that lay ahead, but
40:02
I remember the high of it, the
40:05
elation and the relief
40:10
and the sense
40:13
of having accomplished something and done
40:16
well professionally, of
40:19
being alive and of feeling alive,
40:21
feeling graphically and colourfully alive. It
40:24
was a sensation I'd become
40:26
familiar with in the years that lay ahead, especially as
40:29
the violence unfolded
40:32
in former Yugoslavia.
40:34
This makes you want to carry on and
40:37
do more of this coverage. Oh,
40:42
definitely. I knew that I wanted my
40:44
future to be in what we then
40:46
called foreign news. I knew I wanted
40:48
to try and get a posting and
40:50
to live somewhere broad. I've always been
40:52
fascinated by the story of Europe anyway. I
40:54
wanted to work in Europe and
40:58
I knew that I wanted to specialize
41:00
in foreign news. The
41:02
following year, in August,
41:07
Iraq invaded Kuwait and
41:09
a few weeks went past.
41:11
Again, you have to remember that I was quite
41:13
junior in the pecking order. I applied
41:16
for a foreign job and didn't get it, but
41:18
on the basis of the interview I'd done, the head
41:20
of radio news told
41:22
the foreign editor to try me out. He rang me
41:24
one day. I'd never met him. He rang me and
41:28
said, come and see me.
41:30
He said, I want you to go to Baghdad
41:36
to be the radio news guy on the ground in
41:38
Baghdad. He said, I'm not going to say this could
41:40
be a dangerous assignment
41:42
because, frankly speaking, it is a dangerous assignment.
41:44
Think about it. For a few hours
41:46
I want to know by three o'clock. You're
41:49
up for it. And of course I
41:51
was up for it, but it was frightening. I remember getting
41:53
my visa and going to see the head of the Arabic
41:55
service, the world service, to
41:57
talk. I didn't know anything about it. Iraq.
42:00
I had to mug up as best I could about
42:02
the nature of the regime, the nature of the invasion
42:05
of Kuwait and the consequences of it and
42:08
the Western response to that. There's
42:10
a great line in an autobiography by
42:13
the great foreign correspondent James
42:15
Cameron when he was in
42:17
the Korean War and he was in a
42:19
little press boat during a seaborne invasion. And
42:23
he said something like, we
42:25
were all performatively determined to get
42:27
ashore in wave one while secretly
42:29
trying, in our privacy of our own heads, trying
42:31
to contrive some not disreputable way of being in
42:34
wave 50. And I
42:36
completely get that, that you put on
42:38
a brave face and you talk about
42:40
the story, but then quietly you say, what
42:42
do you think might happen if the war
42:45
starts when I'm there? And the
42:48
head of Arabic at the World Service said, oh,
42:50
you're in a shipmate. So,
42:54
no illusions about the
42:56
nature of the assignment, but I wanted to go
42:59
and, you know, it was frightening but exhilarating. And
43:01
so off I went into Baghdad in
43:04
the company of the great John Simpson, who was already
43:07
a household name in foreign news
43:09
at the time. He was the sort of grandfather
43:11
of the broadcast
43:13
foreign news and I went in his
43:16
coattails and that was another really
43:19
turning point for me in terms of career. And
43:23
what was that experience like in Baghdad? Were
43:25
you there before the bombing started? I
43:28
was there before the bombing in October for about
43:30
three or four weeks and it was
43:33
an interesting time
43:35
to be there because the Soviets and the French were
43:37
trying to find a solution that
43:40
wouldn't involve war. And
43:43
Yevgeny Primakov was a Soviet foreign minister, he
43:45
came a couple of times and
43:48
what the Iraqis were trying to do was divide
43:51
Moscow and Paris off from London
43:53
and Washington and split the international
43:56
community in the end unsuccessfully. But
43:58
they were trying to do that and I remember
44:01
Ed Sheeran. Edward Heath came. Edward Heath announced at
44:03
the Conservative Party conference that he was going to
44:05
fly to Baghdad. Margaret Thatcher was absolutely livid, reportedly,
44:07
to go fly to Baghdad to try
44:10
to negotiate the release of some
44:12
of the British hostages, because if you remember,
44:14
there were lots of Westerners living in Iraq,
44:16
mostly because of the oil industry at the
44:18
time of the invasion of Kuwait, and they
44:20
weren't allowed to leave. They were being held,
44:22
and it was my first encounter with the
44:24
term human shield, who were being held in
44:26
the end as human shield, and Edward Heath
44:28
managed to get some of them released,
44:32
but only a few dozen, and there
44:34
were several hundred there. So
44:37
that was happening at the time. But
44:39
then I left after three or four weeks, and
44:41
in the new year, we were waiting for the
44:43
war to start. I was sent
44:45
to Jordan, to Amman, to wait
44:47
there, and two of my colleagues from
44:49
the BBC were in Baghdad when the bombing started, but
44:51
they got kicked out on a second day, and
44:54
went back to London. So I was
44:56
in Jordan, so I was well-placed to get a visa to go
44:58
in when the Iraqis opened up again. So
45:00
I went with Jeremy Bowen, a cameraman
45:03
called Rory Peck, who was two years later
45:05
killed in Moscow, and the three
45:08
of us drove into Baghdad
45:11
from Jordan, up what was called Ska
45:13
Dali, because once we were
45:15
over the border in Iraq, we passed
45:17
countless vehicles that had been bombed from
45:20
the air in the previous couple of
45:22
weeks. And we had to contend
45:24
with the possibility that our convoy would also get bombed
45:26
from the air, but we'd made it into Baghdad, and
45:28
we were there to witness the
45:31
nightly air raids, the nightly bombing, and
45:33
the people's reaction to it. Hi,
45:36
I'm Andrew, and I'm very proud to
45:38
support Cold War Conversations with a small
45:40
donation each month, because Ian's put together
45:43
such a brilliant range of interviews. If
45:45
you want high power, there's the son
45:47
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45:49
old-fashioned spy stories, and the bizarre world
45:51
of East European football. If you do
45:53
support the podcast, you'll want it to
45:55
be a tiny bit lighter, but your
45:57
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45:59
very, very thankful. Like
46:02
to be like Andrew and help me
46:04
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46:06
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46:08
or annual supporter you'll become one of
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46:13
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46:15
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46:20
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46:22
go to coldwacomversations.com slash
46:25
donate to find out more. The
46:29
hotel was a really interesting place. It was
46:31
called the Hotel al Rashid and it had
46:33
been built during the Iran-Iraq War and it
46:35
was a fortified building. It was designed to
46:38
withstand heavy bombardment.
46:41
It was bulletproof glass in
46:43
all the windows. So we
46:45
didn't go to the bomb shelter. We stayed in our
46:47
rooms. We were given rooms on the fifth or sixth
46:49
floor and we could watch from the fifth or sixth
46:51
floor, the city gradually
46:53
being unpicked each night by these
46:56
air raids. It was early in the year,
46:58
so it was dark early.
47:00
I remember these huge
47:02
orange and black fireballs in the
47:05
night sky as these very, very
47:07
heavy bombs propelled by Tomahawk
47:09
and other kinds of missiles slammed
47:12
into the buildings around the hotel. There was
47:14
like a six-lane highway outside the hotel and
47:16
on the other side of the six-lane highway
47:18
there was some kind of conference center. But
47:22
the rumor was it was somehow connected to the
47:24
Ministry of Defense and we were in the dining
47:26
room of the hotel one night and it took
47:28
a direct hit and our whole building shook. I
47:31
remember sitting, it was a
47:33
surreal experience because I remember sitting
47:35
in the dining
47:38
room being served dinner and there was
47:42
no electricity in the hotel. So
47:44
the light, the principal light source, was
47:46
the fire from the building across the
47:50
six-lane highway, which is now in
47:52
flames. The whole of the dining room was
47:54
bathed in this kind of flickering
47:57
dappled orange light with
47:59
a shadow. widows, and the waiters
48:01
continued to serve dinner, and there was a
48:04
row at the next table because some French
48:06
journalists had brought their own wine. The
48:09
waiter wanted to charge corkage. And
48:11
I thought, well, this is surreal.
48:14
I didn't expect this. And
48:18
that's how it was. It was a strange mixture of
48:20
the very dramatic and
48:23
the banal. What else
48:25
did you see while you were in Iraq? I
48:28
came back from Baghdad, and
48:30
then Kuwait
48:32
was liberated, and I went to Kuwait for a few
48:34
weeks, and we went up into the deserts
48:37
of southern Iraq and the mudflats of the Euphrates
48:39
Valley, the part of the country that was occupied
48:41
by the American-led forces. We
48:43
reported on the uprising among the
48:45
Shia population of southern Iraq
48:47
and the reaction by the Saddam Hussein
48:50
regime, which had been left in power,
48:52
and he got his Republican Guard forces,
48:54
the elite forces, together again and sent
48:57
them down to the south to put
49:00
down the rebellion very, very brutally, and thousands
49:02
died in it. And we
49:04
reported that, and then I went home and had a long rest.
49:07
And then we started hearing news of unrest
49:10
in what had been the most western
49:13
of the communist countries, Yugoslavia. Nobody
49:15
expected Yugoslavia to—well, some people knew
49:17
it, thought it was doomed, but
49:20
the rest of us didn't think so.
49:22
And there was violence in Slovenia and
49:24
the Republic at the north of the
49:26
country in Slovenia. And I was asked
49:28
to go to Croatia for two weeks, and
49:32
I drove down from Vienna, crossed
49:35
the border into Slovenia and into
49:37
Croatia, and got to Zagreb.
49:39
And I stayed for four
49:41
years, more or less. Not
49:44
continually, I went in and out. But
49:46
the next day I went to
49:48
the front line, just south of
49:50
Zagreb, where some forces were pushing
49:52
forward. And it was a
49:54
very steep learning curve, learning to understand the
49:57
ethnic composition of this post-war,
50:00
World War I state called Yugoslavia.
50:02
There was
50:06
a lot of reading, a lot of talking, a
50:08
lot of listening, and I
50:10
got to know extremely well. I spent
50:12
quite a lot of time in Croatia in 1991,
50:14
and then
50:17
of course Bosnia in 1992 when
50:19
the war kicked off there. I remember in
50:21
Croatia people saying, this
50:24
is bad enough, but if it takes off
50:26
in Bosnia, that's going to be truly horrendous.
50:29
And it was really. There were
50:31
two areas of operation principally. One
50:34
was Sarajevo and Asijj, and the
50:36
other one was central Bosnia, where there was
50:38
eventually after a few months there was a
50:40
war between two foot
50:42
groups that had been until that
50:44
point allies, the predominantly Muslim army
50:46
of Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Croatian Defense
50:48
Forces, and they fell out and
50:51
attacked each other. So
50:53
it became a three-way war with
50:56
the Bosnian government trying to hold
50:58
the line for the principle
51:00
of a secular,
51:03
non-ethnic republic in
51:06
the mainstream European tradition. And the
51:08
two other forces served nationalist and
51:10
Croatian nationalist forces fighting for a
51:13
very different vision, a much more
51:15
ethnosuppremist vision. Many
51:17
states in Bosnia carved out to
51:20
be ethnically pure by the means that came
51:22
to be known as ethnic cleansing. So
51:25
we would report the siege
51:27
of Sarajevo when we were there, the bombing,
51:29
the sniping, the killing, the
51:31
efforts to feed
51:33
the city, the privations that
51:35
the people were living through, and
51:37
the attempts by the Bosnian government
51:39
to seek international help. And outside
51:41
Sarajevo we'd go to the front
51:43
lines and follow the
51:45
progress of the forces behind the ethnic
51:48
cleansing and the wholesale dispossession. And
51:50
what was happening in the rest of Bosnia was it
51:52
wasn't so much a civil war, it was an act
51:55
of state-sponsored dispossession.
51:57
It was a state-sponsored criminal
51:59
enterprise. Prize. The
52:02
details of that are now well known because of
52:04
the international tribunal that was set up after
52:06
the war. It
52:11
was hard navigating that, coming to
52:13
understand all its nuances and understanding
52:15
that people of Croatia don't believe that they're
52:17
not part of the Balkans, they're part of
52:19
Central Europe. The Sava River and
52:22
the Danube River separates them from the
52:24
Balkans. One young man said
52:26
we were standing on the banks of the
52:28
river and he said we're looking across the
52:30
river at Bosnia or Serbia. He said where
52:32
we are now on this bank, we're Central
52:34
Europe, we're part of the same civilization
52:37
and culture as Mozart and
52:39
the great German novelist
52:42
Thomas Mann. On
52:44
the other side of the river, that's where
52:46
all that Eastern way of thinking, that Asiatic
52:49
way of thinking that leads all the way
52:51
to Saddam Hussein in Iraq, that starts over
52:53
there. And that was very much the way
52:56
many Croatian nationalists saw themselves, the
52:59
frontline of the fight for European
53:02
civilization against Eastern barbarism. Of course,
53:05
it wasn't like that at all when you got to Bosnia.
53:08
It was not the way
53:10
Croatian nationalism depicted it,
53:12
but it was important to understand those
53:14
mindsets that were fueling so much of
53:17
the violence. Don't
53:19
miss the episode extras such as
53:21
videos, photos and other content. Just
53:23
look for the link in the
53:26
podcast information. The podcast
53:28
wouldn't exist without the generous support of
53:30
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53:32
thank one and all of them for
53:34
keeping the podcast on the road. The
53:38
Cold War conversation continues in
53:40
our Facebook discussion group. Just
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search for Cold War conversations
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in Facebook. Thanks
53:46
very much for listening and see you next
53:48
week. Not
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