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0:00
in a fight right now for the
0:02
future of Western civilization and for
0:04
the preservation of free speech. And I
0:06
view all of my commentary work
0:08
and all of my interests in the
0:10
American political system through that lens. CNN
0:13
political analyst Scott Jennings talking about
0:15
his presentation at this year's
0:17
issues, etc., making the case conference.
0:20
We have to preserve Western civilization. We
0:22
have to preserve free speech. And I
0:24
think most issues and most politics comes
0:26
down to those two fundamental issues. I
0:28
think it's good for audiences to have
0:30
their bubbles popped. I think it's all
0:32
too easy in American political culture right
0:34
now to get yourself in a silo
0:37
or in a bubble where only the
0:39
information that you want to hear that
0:41
confirms your priors is what you see. And
0:43
I think it's detrimental to the average
0:46
citizen to be stuck in a silo
0:48
or a bubble like that. You can
0:50
meet and hear Scott Jennings at the
0:52
2025 Making the Case Conference Friday, July
0:54
18 and Saturday, July 19 at Concordia
0:56
University, Chicago. Find out
0:59
more at issuesetc .org. There
1:11
is a law in Illinois. Currently,
1:14
or has been for the last decade
1:16
or so, been working its way through the
1:18
courts, being challenged in the courts, it's
1:20
called the Illinois Health Care Right of Conscience
1:22
Act. Sounds good, doesn't it? Well, because
1:25
there was a
1:27
Senate bill in Illinois added
1:29
to this provision, the
1:31
law actually ends up violating
1:34
the conscience of health care
1:36
workers and of crisis pregnancy
1:38
center workers. Welcome
1:40
back to Issues, etc. I'm Todd
1:42
Wilkin. Joining us to talk about
1:44
a federal court judge striking down an
1:46
Illinois law forcing pro -life ministries to promote
1:48
abortion. Thomas Ulp is
1:50
counsel in Schroeder v.
1:53
Trito, Jr., and he
1:55
is executive vice president of the Thomas
1:57
Moore Society. Thomas, welcome.
2:00
Yes, thank you, Todd. Do a little
2:02
history for us, if you would. What
2:04
was Illinois Senate Bill 1564? So
2:07
that was a bill that
2:09
was passed into law in
2:11
2016. So that's over
2:13
10 years ago, signed
2:15
by Governor Rauner at that
2:17
time. Illinois has prided
2:20
itself as being the Midwestern
2:22
capital for abortion services. And
2:25
Senate Bill 1564 was just
2:27
one of the tools that they
2:29
wanted to put into effect
2:31
that would make abortion more accessible.
2:33
to people who came to
2:35
Illinois. And what it required was
2:37
that healthcare providers, they
2:40
had to do two things. One,
2:42
they had to talk about the
2:44
risks and benefits of all legal
2:46
treatment options. Now abortion
2:48
is a legal treatment option.
2:50
And so it needs to
2:52
be talked about. So
2:55
for our pregnancy center
2:57
clients, that law
2:59
essentially required them to talk
3:01
about the benefits of
3:03
abortion. And the second thing
3:05
the bill did is it
3:07
required healthcare providers or facilities
3:09
that employed them to
3:12
refer for abortion and or
3:14
give information about providers
3:16
that would do the services
3:18
that the conscientious objectors,
3:20
the medical professionals who did
3:22
not want to perform
3:24
those services would not want
3:26
to do. The bill
3:28
was tucked into the
3:30
Illinois Rides of Conscience Act.
3:32
which was passed after
3:34
Roe v. Wavis was decided
3:36
in 1973. And
3:39
that Illinois Right of Conscience Act
3:41
gave physicians and health care
3:43
providers the right not to participate
3:45
in abortion. And
3:47
Senate Bill 1564 basically carved down
3:49
those rights saying, if you
3:51
want the protections of that Illinois
3:53
Right of Conscience Act, you
3:55
have to do the following. Talk
3:57
about the risks and the
3:59
benefits of abortion. and refer
4:01
for abortion. We filed
4:03
lawsuit against that
4:06
bill back in late
4:08
2016, early 2017,
4:11
a law was enjoined preliminarily, and
4:14
then many years went by
4:16
before a trial was held in
4:18
2023, and we've recently got
4:20
a decision in that case. So
4:23
if you would, it's been
4:25
a long time, talk about this long
4:27
legal challenge. to this part of
4:29
the Illinois Healthcare Right of Conscience Act. First
4:33
of all, it takes a
4:35
while to do discovery and
4:37
to do, you know, the
4:39
various different preliminary activities that
4:41
is before trials occurred. In
4:44
our case, one of the reasons why
4:46
it took longer is that there was
4:48
a Supreme Court decision,
4:51
Nifla v. Becerra, that
4:53
we thought would
4:56
essentially resolve the case in our favor
4:58
And so we waited around for
5:00
that decision to be briefed
5:02
and then decided. And that
5:04
added a couple of years to
5:07
it. As a result
5:09
of that decision, the state, however,
5:11
did not think it resolved the
5:13
case. So it wasn't willing to
5:15
agree to an injunction against that
5:17
law. So the case continued on
5:20
for a few more years. And
5:22
we filed for, I mentioned
5:24
that there was a primary
5:26
injunction. we filed for summary
5:29
judgment and the judge who
5:31
issued the preliminary injunction retired,
5:34
the case was then sent to the chief
5:36
judge here in Chicago, Rebecca
5:38
Palmer. She denied
5:40
our motion for summary judgment,
5:42
thinking that this issue involved
5:44
a question of what the
5:46
scope of informed consent is.
5:49
And so she said, you're going to
5:51
have to hire experts and have them
5:54
testify at a trial. Well, that took
5:56
a long time too, so we eventually
5:58
did that, had the trial, and
6:00
then the decision came out earlier this
6:02
year. How would
6:04
you summarize the arguments that were made
6:06
in Schroeder et al. v. Trito?
6:10
Well, our argument is
6:12
that the state was
6:14
compelling speech. That is
6:17
that the state is not
6:19
in a position to tell
6:21
people, especially on fundamental moral
6:23
issues. what has to be
6:25
said about them. The First
6:27
Amendment says that the government
6:29
cannot abridge freedom of speech
6:32
and compelling speech is not
6:34
acceptable. That's the principle that
6:36
was involved in Nipola v.
6:38
Becerra. Now, the
6:40
problem with that case
6:42
was that Judge Paul Meyer,
6:44
she said, well, we're
6:46
dealing with the medical field
6:48
here and the doctors
6:50
have to practice of standard
6:52
of care. And part
6:54
of that is the principle of
6:56
informed consent. And she asked herself, well,
6:58
what's that mean? What is informed
7:00
consent? So their argument,
7:02
the state's argument was that
7:05
talking about the benefits
7:07
of all legal treatment options
7:09
simply indicates what the
7:11
informed consent obligation is for
7:13
any physician or medical
7:15
professional. We responded to that
7:17
saying, hey, the only medical procedures
7:20
we do are a pregnancy
7:22
test and a sonogram, and
7:24
we do proper informed consent
7:26
for those, and we shouldn't
7:28
have to do informed consent
7:30
for procedures we do not
7:32
perform. And the
7:34
judge, in our case,
7:37
Judge Johnston and Rockford
7:39
basically agreed that or
7:41
took note of our
7:43
argument. He also pointed
7:45
out that informed consent decisions
7:47
are usually made after the fact.
7:50
And he appreciated that since
7:52
we don't do the abortion
7:55
medical procedure, that our argument
7:57
that we shouldn't have to
7:59
give informed consent concerning it
8:01
seemed like a strong argument. So
8:04
what does Judge Johnson's
8:06
decision to strike this
8:08
down? What
8:10
does it mean now? Well,
8:14
Judge Johnson recognized that
8:16
in the area of
8:18
abortion, which
8:20
is fraught with moral
8:23
disagreement, that the
8:25
state improperly forces
8:27
the issue when
8:29
it compels speech
8:32
about risks and
8:34
benefits of abortion.
8:37
Our clients do not see
8:39
any benefit to abortion. their
8:41
whole existence is to try
8:43
to talk women out of
8:45
having an abortion and to
8:47
convince them that having their
8:49
baby is the morally correct
8:51
and the appropriate things to
8:53
do as a life choice
8:55
and that having an abortion
8:57
is oftentimes caused and ultimately
9:00
is not to the woman's
9:02
benefit. So for the state
9:04
to step in and try
9:06
and put their thumb on
9:08
those scale in terms of
9:10
this kind of issue is
9:12
inappropriate. So we're happy
9:14
with Judge Johnson's decision
9:16
in that area. The
9:18
second issue, though, in the
9:20
case was whether pregnancy centers
9:22
were required to refer for
9:24
abortion. And Judge Johnson said,
9:26
well, I don't think that
9:28
involves speech, and therefore I'm
9:30
going to uphold that portion
9:32
of the law. Our argument
9:34
there is that we think
9:36
that it clearly is pretty
9:38
much the same as having
9:41
to talk about the benefits
9:43
of abortion. Normally,
9:45
doctors don't have to refer. Referral
9:47
is essentially almost a
9:50
recommendation that another doctor can
9:52
perform a medical procedure
9:54
in an appropriate way. We
9:56
don't believe that's the
9:58
case in terms of abortion,
10:01
nor do we know
10:03
abortionists and our clients are
10:05
unwilling to refer or
10:07
even to give information about
10:09
abortion providers, we think that
10:11
that really is another form of
10:13
chorus speech. And so we're
10:15
appealing that aspect of Judge Johnson's
10:17
ruling and hope to prevail on
10:20
that and our arguments. How
10:22
does the impact of at least
10:24
this part of the court's decision
10:26
go beyond crisis pregnancy centers? The
10:30
First Amendment is a
10:32
very important principle, maybe the
10:34
most important right that
10:36
citizens in the United States
10:38
have. It demarcates
10:40
our democracy with other
10:42
countries where speech is
10:44
coerced. I think of
10:46
China, for example, where
10:48
you can get in trouble for expressing
10:50
your point of view. You're not supposed
10:52
to have that happen to you in
10:54
a democracy like the United States of
10:56
America. So the
10:58
issue we're talking about,
11:00
a free speech issue,
11:03
those to all of
11:05
the First Amendment rights
11:07
that Americans have, which
11:09
transcend what pregnancy centers
11:11
do and go to
11:13
all kinds of speech
11:15
concerning contentious issues like
11:17
abortion, like transgender,
11:19
like assisted suicide.
11:22
All these areas need to
11:24
have ample expression in
11:27
terms of free speech so
11:29
that our society can
11:31
reach the truth. and make
11:33
good decisions based upon
11:35
reason and belief, too. You
11:39
mentioned the need to continue
11:41
to offer a legal challenge on
11:43
these remaining issues. How does
11:45
that proceed? Well,
11:47
we filed an appeal in the
11:49
Seventh Circuit. This case was
11:51
in the U .S. Federal District
11:54
Court, and now it's in the
11:56
Federal Seventh Circuit, which is headquarters
11:58
here in Chicago. So,
12:00
that appeal now will be briefed,
12:02
there'll be a response from
12:04
the state, then be an oral
12:06
argument, and then we'll wait
12:08
for a decision by the 7th
12:11
Circuit. The 7th Circuit
12:13
could uphold our arguments, they
12:15
could reject them. If
12:18
we lose the case, we would
12:20
very much consider going to the
12:22
U .S. Supreme Court, since this
12:24
is an important free issue. So
12:26
it's in the federal system, It'll
12:28
go up through the federal system
12:30
to the Court of Appeals and
12:32
possibly to the Supreme Court. Hopefully,
12:34
we'll win at the Seventh Circuit,
12:37
and then this issue will be
12:39
put to bed forever. Thomas
12:41
Olp is counsel and shorter
12:43
of the Trito Jr. He's
12:45
executive vice president of the Thomas
12:47
Moore Society. Find out more about
12:49
the Thomas Moore Society on the
12:52
podcast page of this episode at
12:54
issuesetc .org. Thomas, thank you.
12:57
welcome, welcome, Todd. Thank you very much for your interest. You're
13:00
to issues, etc. I'm Todd
13:02
Wilkins. Defending
13:10
life beginning to end.
13:12
You're listening to issues, etc.
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