Episode Transcript
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Hawaii. Welcome to
1:27
the new Books Network. Hello
1:31
and welcome to another episode on the
1:33
new Books Network. I'm one of
1:35
your hosts, Dr. Miranda Melcher, and I'm
1:37
very pleased today to be speaking
1:39
with Laura Spinney about her book titled
1:41
Proto, How One Ancient Language Went
1:44
Global, published by HarperCollins in 2025. This
1:47
book takes us on, well,
1:49
not even just one journey, loads
1:51
of different journeys that all
1:53
go back through different places, different
1:55
times, different languages to a
1:57
single. ancient source
1:59
that we know some really interesting
2:02
things about and we don't know some
2:04
interesting things about. And the state
2:06
of those investigations across a number of
2:08
different disciplines is evolving in really,
2:10
really interesting ways. So I'm absolutely thrilled,
2:12
Laura, to welcome you onto the
2:14
podcast to tell us about this fascinating
2:16
evolution of languages and the history
2:18
that you've uncovered by bringing all of
2:21
the sorts of cool information together
2:23
in this book. Thank you so much
2:25
for being here. Thank you very much
2:27
for inviting me. I'm delighted to be here.
2:29
Could you please start us off by introducing
2:31
yourself a little bit and tell us why
2:33
you decided to write this book? Of
2:36
course. So I'm a science
2:38
journalist and a writer. I
2:40
am of British origin as you can hear,
2:42
but I live in France and I have both
2:44
nationalities. And I
2:46
have written novels. I've written
2:49
non -fiction books. I wrote a
2:51
book that came out in 2017
2:53
about the 1918 so -called Spanish
2:55
flu. So just before COVID
2:57
that came out. And then
2:59
I've written this book. And as my
3:01
cousin likes to say, this is Laura,
3:03
she writes about things that spread around
3:05
the world. I've
3:08
always been interested in
3:10
language from a scientific
3:12
journalistic. point of view,
3:14
but I suppose more
3:16
from the kind of
3:18
psychological, neuroscientific angle. And
3:21
I got interested in this history
3:23
of language, I suppose for the
3:25
same reason that millions of others
3:27
have been interested in in these
3:30
particular languages for hundreds of years,
3:32
which is these curious similarities across
3:34
languages spoken so far apart, which
3:39
cannot be coincidental. I
3:41
mean the fact that the word
3:43
for daughter in ancient greek is too
3:45
good that in our meaning it's
3:47
duster, in persian it's dochter and in
3:49
old english it's dochter. The
3:51
fact that they are so similar
3:53
and those languages are so distant
3:55
in terms of geography and in
3:57
terms of history in fact is
4:00
puzzling. It can't be a coincidence.
4:02
And so that's what people set out
4:04
several hundred years ago to explain.
4:07
And now they have many more tools
4:09
to do that. In fact, in
4:11
the last 10 years, that story has
4:13
been, I would say, revolutionized by
4:15
the arrival on the scene of a
4:17
new science. And that's paleogenetics, the
4:19
ability to study ancient DNA and so
4:21
to trace ancient people through space
4:23
and time. And
4:25
so it seemed to me that
4:27
it was a good time to retell
4:30
that story, because there have been
4:32
many retellings in the past, in light
4:34
of these new tools. And
4:36
I suppose the immediate impetus was
4:38
the fact that people in the
4:41
field, people interested in studying Indo
4:43
-European languages said to me on
4:45
more than one occasion that there
4:47
was no one at the moment
4:49
who had an overview of the
4:51
field, just because the science in
4:53
the various areas that contribute to
4:55
the story was moving so fast.
4:58
And so I thought, well, I
5:00
am not an expert. I'm not
5:02
a specialist. I don't study these
5:04
languages as an academic. But perhaps
5:06
I can lend my journalistic skills
5:08
in terms of speaking to the
5:10
people in the three main sciences
5:12
that are contributing. That's archaeology, linguistics,
5:14
and genetics, and give
5:17
that overview, even if
5:19
it's very, you know, one
5:21
off, even if the story continues to
5:23
evolve and will be different in another
5:25
10 or 20 years' time. I thought
5:28
that that would be a fascinating and
5:30
useful exercise. Definitely
5:32
very cool to put all these different things
5:34
together. But as you've already mentioned in
5:36
terms of disciplines that are part of this
5:38
conversation, there are some really
5:40
big methodological challenges and trying to
5:42
figure out why, as you said,
5:44
these languages today still have so
5:46
many things in common as it
5:48
cannot be a coincidence. But
5:50
how? Does that work? How does studying
5:52
a language from so long ago,
5:54
way before we've got written records, how
5:56
does that work? Yes,
5:59
so you're absolutely right. It's
6:01
a real brain scratcher, head scratcher.
6:03
She says scratching her head. So
6:07
the common ancestor of the
6:09
Indo -European languages was spoken,
6:11
most people would agree, somewhere
6:14
between 5 ,000 and 10. 5
6:16
,000 years ago. And the
6:18
reason I mentioned that is
6:20
because writing was only invented
6:22
5 ,000 years ago in what
6:24
is now Iraq, Mesopotamia. So
6:27
yes, that ancestor was spoken
6:29
long before history began, the
6:31
beginning of the Persian records,
6:33
and it was spoken by
6:36
pre -literate people. So how
6:38
on earth do we study
6:40
it? Well, the first thing
6:42
to say is that the
6:44
living Indo -European languages are a
6:47
treasure trove of information because
6:49
languages never stand still, they're
6:51
always evolving. They're living
6:53
in the European languages, which by
6:55
the way are spoken by nearly half
6:57
of humanity as a first language
6:59
and which count somewhere between 400 and
7:02
500 including dialects today. They
7:05
have evolved from that common
7:07
ancestor and there are continuous
7:09
threads which link them to
7:11
that ancestor. They are in
7:13
a way a sort
7:15
of living archive of the
7:18
way that ancient ancestors traveled,
7:20
evolved, fragmented and split over
7:22
time into its daughters and
7:24
then granddaughters and so on
7:26
to give the pattern of
7:29
Indo -European languages that we
7:31
see today. So that means
7:33
that historical linguists can study
7:35
the living languages and also
7:37
the historical ones, Indo -European languages
7:40
like ancient Greek, Latin, Sanskrit,
7:43
Hittite, which are no longer spoken,
7:45
but were spoken and were
7:47
spoken after the invention of
7:50
writing, so we have historical records
7:52
for them. So you can
7:54
essentially compare the living Indian
7:56
European languages, the historical ones, and
7:58
you can see what they
8:00
have in common, what makes
8:02
them different, and you
8:04
can begin to tease out what
8:06
their ancient ancestor sounded like,
8:09
what its vocabulary consisted of, and
8:11
what its grammar looked like.
8:13
And when you have that as
8:15
skedetal as it is, because, for
8:17
example, the reconstructed lexicon
8:19
or vocabulary of Proto -Indo -European, which is
8:22
the name we give the common
8:24
ancestor, consists of roughly
8:26
1600 words or stems of words.
8:28
So that's a tiny fragment
8:30
of what the speakers of that
8:32
language would actually have used.
8:34
But we can then look at
8:36
that lexicon, the core
8:38
vocabulary of the language, if you
8:40
like, that was inherited by its descendants.
8:42
And we can begin to get an
8:45
idea of what mattered to those people.
8:47
What were the things they talked about
8:49
most? What were the words that
8:51
most reliably came down to their
8:53
descendants because they were so important to
8:55
them, or rather the concepts that they
8:57
encoded were so important to them? And
9:00
from that, you can start to tease
9:02
out what kind of people they were,
9:04
what kind of environment they lived in,
9:06
what was their mode of life, what
9:08
was their... way of producing food, for
9:10
example. How mobile were they? And
9:12
then you can collaborate with archaeologists to
9:14
say, well, in the sort
9:16
of time frame that we think this
9:18
language was spoken in order to give
9:21
rise to these later languages, who
9:23
was alive then? Who was living
9:25
this way? Where were they? And
9:27
where were they moving to? That's
9:29
where the genetics comes in. So
9:32
the basic idea is
9:34
that triangulating between these
9:36
three sciences, linguistics, archaeology
9:38
and genetics, with the
9:40
contribution of other sciences
9:42
in smaller ways, you
9:45
can begin to build a
9:47
admittedly sketchy picture of who
9:49
the speakers were of Proto
9:51
-Indo -European, what happened
9:53
to those people over time
9:55
or to their descendants
9:57
and what happened to their
9:59
languages as they moved
10:01
and changed and evolved. Very
10:04
interesting detective work, really, it
10:06
sounds like. This is totally a
10:08
detective story. And yet,
10:10
despite the trickiness of putting all these
10:12
pieces together, we can actually figure
10:14
some things out, which I mean, to
10:17
me is kind of the most
10:19
miraculous aspect of this. So can you
10:21
take us to the kind of
10:23
social context in which Proto was born?
10:25
When are we talking? Where are
10:27
we talking? What's going on? I
10:30
mean, you frame that question really
10:32
well because what I try to convey
10:34
in my book is that of course
10:36
there's enormous amounts of uncertainty in this
10:38
story and in parts of it more
10:40
than others. But if you
10:42
were to compare the state
10:45
of our understanding now to
10:47
say 30 years ago, it's
10:49
moved on immeasurably. There's a
10:51
lot more certainty. So
10:54
for example, 30 years
10:56
ago, the two leading theories
10:58
of where the proto -Indo
11:00
-European languages were spoken and
11:02
by whom were still
11:04
very much on the table
11:06
and had each had
11:08
their kind of camps, their
11:10
supporters. One was
11:12
that the languages came out of
11:14
the steppe north of the
11:16
Black and Caspian seas, the Eurasian
11:19
steppe now, an area
11:21
shared between modern Ukraine and
11:23
Russia about 5 ,000 years ago
11:25
and they were spread by
11:27
nomadic herders who moved with
11:29
their animals over surprisingly large
11:31
distances and took their languages
11:33
with them. The other theory
11:35
was that the original Indo
11:37
-European language, the common ancestor,
11:40
was several thousand years older
11:42
and that it came out
11:44
of Anatolia out of the
11:46
peninsula that we call Turkey
11:48
today and moved east and
11:50
west with the very first
11:52
farmers after the so -called Neolithic
11:54
Revolution. And
11:56
today, that second
11:58
theory, the Anatolian hypothesis,
12:01
has essentially fallen by the
12:03
wayside. The consensus is
12:05
that at least the ancestor
12:07
of all modern Indo -European languages
12:09
came out of the steppe 5
12:11
,000 years ago with those Bronze
12:13
Age herders. Now, there is
12:15
an earlier stage, which we can
12:17
discuss later if you're interested,
12:20
what gave rise to that language.
12:22
And that's more complicated and much
12:24
more controversial. But the mother of
12:27
all living in the European languages,
12:29
most people would now agree, came
12:31
out of the step 5 ,000 years
12:33
ago and moved Eastern to Asia,
12:35
Western to Europe, and gave rise
12:37
to the Indo -European languages, which
12:39
are now spoken there today, and
12:41
also much further afield today. And
12:44
one of the
12:47
reasons that that
12:49
debate was so
12:52
significantly swung in the direction of
12:54
the steppe hypothesis was ancient
12:56
DNA. The fact that about 10
12:58
years ago geneticists were able
13:00
to detect a massive turnover in
13:02
the European gene pool and
13:05
in gene pools in parts of
13:07
Asia, which in a way
13:09
confirmed that there was a massive
13:11
migration around that time, giving
13:13
credence to the idea that the
13:15
languages might also have arrived
13:17
with those people. Very
13:20
interesting to see how these different types
13:22
of information are being combined to help
13:24
us come up with some of these
13:26
answers. But of course,
13:28
that also involves detective work on your
13:30
part to put all of these pieces
13:32
together from the different areas of specialisms. So
13:35
I wonder if you can tell us a bit
13:37
about how you conducted this research, like where did
13:39
you go? Who did you talk to? How did
13:41
you put these pieces together? Yeah,
13:43
and just to preface my answer, it's
13:45
not easy. I'm not blowing my own
13:47
trumpet, but it's not easy for a
13:49
very simple reason, which is that archaeologists,
13:52
geneticists, and languages, ironically, don't
13:55
speak the same language. And to
13:57
give an example of what I
13:59
mean by that, let's take the central
14:01
to this story concept of identity,
14:03
because language is such an important part
14:05
of who we understand ourselves to
14:07
be. If you ask...
14:11
a geneticist about identity. They'll
14:13
talk to you about, you
14:15
know, genetic turnovers. I
14:18
just mentioned that, the example of
14:20
5 ,000 years ago in Europe.
14:22
They'll talk about, you know, dilutions
14:24
and concentrations of the gene pool.
14:26
But genes sort of flow on, and
14:29
so they see a much
14:31
greater continuity in terms of
14:33
ethnic or genetic identity across
14:35
time. Whereas archaeologists think in
14:38
terms of cultures. I
14:41
suppose a simple definition would
14:43
be a kind of assemblage of
14:45
physical objects that they pull
14:47
out of the ground and which
14:49
tend to recur across, across
14:51
space and across time until suddenly
14:53
they don't anymore. And so
14:55
the archaeologist would say that that
14:57
culture vanishes from the archaeological
14:59
record. So if culture, if the
15:01
way that we make food,
15:03
bury our dead, the tools we
15:05
use and the art we
15:08
make, If all of those things,
15:10
that package is another way
15:12
of defining our identity, then
15:14
cultures and identity sort of
15:16
flip in and out of the
15:18
archaeological record. They vanish and
15:20
new ones come along to replace
15:22
them. So that's a
15:24
different way of thinking about identity. And
15:26
languages, as I said
15:28
right at the beginning, they
15:31
have this sort of
15:33
familial aspect to them. They
15:35
do change by descent.
15:37
from common ancestors, but
15:39
they also borrowed from each other all the time. So,
15:43
you know, sugar, zero and artichoke are
15:45
three examples I give in the book
15:47
of... Arabic words that came into English
15:49
via the lingua franca, the language of
15:51
commerce that was once spoken around the
15:53
Mediterranean Sea. And languages are
15:55
constantly doing this, boring from each other, not
15:57
just words, but also sounds and grammatical
15:59
structures. So, you know, your
16:01
linguistic identity is also, it's not quite
16:03
like, it doesn't work like your genetic
16:05
one, you don't. just get your languages
16:08
from your family, from your parents. You
16:10
can get them from your milieu as well. And obviously
16:12
in the modern age, you can also get them from books
16:14
and apps. And by the way, you can also lose
16:16
languages. So though
16:18
culture, genetics, and language
16:20
all contribute to
16:23
what we consider our
16:25
identity, they do
16:27
so in very different ways. And so
16:29
it's a matter of weaving those
16:31
things together to tell a story about
16:33
who people were, and
16:35
the languages they spoke over time,
16:37
especially in the period before writing in
16:39
prehistory. So obviously my research
16:42
involves speaking to people from these
16:44
three fields. I went to many
16:46
conferences, many conferences of historical linguists.
16:49
I interviewed people working on
16:51
the Indo -European languages from the
16:53
three different points of view.
16:55
I read voraciously in journals,
16:58
sometimes wondering how the concepts
17:00
mapped onto each other from
17:02
linguists' archaeology genetics. teasing
17:04
that out with the academics who
17:06
themselves are sometimes struggling with these
17:08
correspondences or lack of them. And
17:11
I also travelled a great deal.
17:13
I went to pretty much all
17:15
the countries around the Black Sea,
17:18
in fact all of them, every
17:20
single one with the exception of
17:22
Ukraine, for obvious reasons, and
17:24
I travelled much further afield as well. I
17:27
went to see the archaeological
17:29
sites which play such a big...
17:31
part in this story. I
17:33
talked to linguists in those places.
17:36
I tried to understand the different
17:38
ways of studying the story in
17:40
different cultures, because the other thing
17:42
that complicates this story is that
17:44
language is so very political. The
17:48
witticism that's usually credited to
17:50
linguist Max Beinreith, that language is
17:52
a dialect with an army
17:54
and a navy, has a enormous
17:56
grain of truth in it
17:58
so you have to understand that
18:00
languages are inextricably entwined with
18:02
with politics because of that identity
18:05
aspect to them and that
18:07
even our definition of a language
18:09
is a little hazy where
18:11
we distinguish a dialect or a
18:13
variant from a from a
18:15
language and so that again complicates
18:17
the story but. all of
18:19
this to say that despite all
18:21
the grey areas, despite all
18:23
the uncertainty, you can pull out
18:25
some main threads of this
18:27
story which all would agree on
18:29
and which already I would
18:31
say give you more than enough
18:33
material to tell a very
18:35
fascinating story and I would say
18:37
a very important story because
18:40
it's one about migration and about
18:42
adaptation and about change and
18:44
about how languages never stand still
18:46
and it's incredibly pertinent to
18:48
our modern world where we are
18:50
as we always have been
18:52
on the move where our languages
18:54
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18:56
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definitely very familiar that part of
20:01
how all this comes together. But
20:04
the trickiness of kind of the
20:06
different ways different disciplines think about
20:08
these things is really interesting. And
20:10
as you've highlighted, quite important to
20:12
kind of untangle and make sense
20:14
of. So I wonder if we
20:16
can talk about how all of
20:18
those different ideas kind of overlap
20:20
sometimes, helpfully, sometimes confusingly with a
20:22
particular example from the book, the
20:24
Yamnaya culture, for example. We
20:26
know a decent amount about them kind
20:28
of as a culture. How
20:30
certain can we be that they spoke a
20:32
particular language? I mean, did they speak Proto?
20:34
Is that even a question we can answer
20:36
in a yes -no fashion? So
20:39
we can't know with any certainty
20:41
because they were pre -literate. They
20:43
didn't write their language down. We
20:45
know they spoke because so many
20:47
sapiens has probably been speaking for
20:49
tens if not hundreds of thousands
20:51
of years. And
20:54
we know quite a
20:56
lot about how the
20:58
Yamnaya lived. For example,
21:00
we know that they
21:03
were mobile herders. They
21:05
were nomadic. They
21:07
lived on the steppe. They
21:09
were skilled metalworkers. They
21:11
were probably patchy local, or
21:14
some prefer the word patchy
21:16
focal, meaning that the men
21:18
stayed still basically and the women
21:20
moved into their households upon marriage.
21:23
uh wealth also passed down
21:25
the male line and uh
21:27
what else can i say
21:29
about them they specialized in
21:31
dairy they kept cows sheep
21:33
and goats um and from
21:35
reconstructing the proton to european
21:37
language from its living and
21:39
historical descendants we can say
21:42
that the speakers of that
21:44
language also knew dairy probably
21:46
knew wheel to transport the
21:48
wagon which was invented around
21:50
uh 3 ,500 BCE, so
21:52
just about the time
21:54
that the Yamnaya were emerging
21:56
on the steppe just
21:58
over 5 ,000 years ago. And
22:02
they had words for,
22:04
many words for a woman's
22:06
in -laws, that is the
22:08
relations of our husband, but
22:10
none for a man's, which
22:12
also points to a patriarchal
22:15
society. So you can
22:17
sort of, by mapping
22:19
the emphases, if
22:21
you like, in that lexicon,
22:23
in that vocabulary, the kind of
22:25
clues that it gives us
22:27
to who spoke it, who spoke
22:29
the language, onto the archaeology
22:32
that fits from about the right
22:34
time, about the right time,
22:36
part of the world. You can
22:38
start to say, well, for
22:40
example, at the time
22:42
that the wagon was first
22:44
being used, we have
22:46
the first evidence for wheel transport, that is, The
22:50
only people who were
22:52
moving with their herds
22:54
of cows, sheep and
22:56
horses lived on the
22:58
steppe west of the
23:00
Ural Mountains and they
23:02
buried their dead in
23:04
a certain way which
23:06
fits, if you like,
23:08
the archaeological profile of
23:10
the Yamnaya. that
23:13
is such to me an example of
23:15
the detective nature of putting all these pieces
23:18
together and kind of layering the bits
23:20
of evidence on top of each other to
23:22
figure out what kind of we can
23:24
find would determine from it. But this idea
23:26
of migration kind of keeps coming up
23:28
in that example, but also in a number
23:30
of the other kind of concepts we've
23:32
discussed so far. And I wonder if we
23:34
should maybe examine that a bit more
23:36
closely because of course we all know what
23:38
migration is, but often we have sort
23:40
of built in assumptions about like, oh, well,
23:43
migration, that means that it's a family
23:45
group all traveling across the step together and
23:47
they go from one place to somewhere
23:49
very, very far, you know, in the course
23:51
of a few years. We can also
23:53
talk about migrations as happening over centuries and
23:55
generations. Same word,
23:57
very different meanings. How
24:00
can we figure out what some of
24:02
these migrations look like in terms of
24:04
timelines for linguistic changes? Do we have
24:06
a way of assessing
24:08
what sorts of ranges we should
24:10
be understanding? I
24:13
think that you raise a hugely important
24:15
point, and that it's become really clear over
24:17
the recent decades. Starting
24:20
with archaeology, but genetics
24:22
has contributed to this
24:24
enormously more recently, that
24:27
there are many different kinds of
24:29
migrations, the migration that it can take
24:31
many different forms. So for example,
24:33
when the farmers first moved out of
24:35
Anatolia, in
24:37
search of new land after
24:39
about 8 ,000 years ago. That
24:43
was an expansion
24:45
driven by simply the
24:47
need for more
24:49
food to feed the
24:51
growing populations that
24:53
farming supported. So people
24:56
needed more lads to grow more
24:58
crops on. And there was a
25:00
kind of leapfrog expansion where a
25:02
kind of set of pioneers would
25:04
move a few hundred kilometers ahead.
25:07
settle there and then those who came
25:09
behind was sort of fill in the
25:11
gaps. And that's how the
25:13
farmers moved it. It was slow and
25:15
it was a kind of heavy, a very
25:17
dense migration. But with no
25:19
kind of real directionality to it, people
25:21
were just moving outwards as they needed
25:24
more land. Then coming back
25:26
to the young Naya who are at
25:28
the center of my story, they
25:30
seem to have at
25:32
least one subset of them
25:35
seem to have undertaken
25:37
quite near the beginning of
25:39
their existence a quite
25:41
different migration. So just a
25:43
few years ago geneticists
25:45
identified two relatives who could
25:47
have been as close
25:49
as first cousins, although they
25:51
could also have been
25:53
relatives who were separated by
25:55
a couple of generations
25:57
vertically, so grandparents
25:59
and grandchildren so to
26:01
speak. One buried
26:03
in near Rostov -on -Don,
26:05
the Don Valley, just
26:08
there where Ukraine and Russia are
26:10
fighting a war at the moment,
26:12
and another several thousand kilometers
26:14
to the east in
26:16
the Altai mountains of Central
26:18
Asia. And
26:20
that speaks to a breathtakingly
26:23
fast migration for the
26:25
period of prehistory that we're
26:27
talking about. when
26:30
the only transport available to
26:32
people were their feet, possibly
26:35
horses, and the
26:37
wagon drawn by oxen. So
26:39
that seems like one
26:41
set of people might
26:43
have made the whole
26:46
journey, or one
26:48
set of people, a
26:50
couple of generations of people might
26:52
have made the whole journey,
26:54
which speaks to something far more
26:56
conscious, far more deliberate. something
26:59
like a split in the
27:01
original population, perhaps an ideological split,
27:03
or perhaps going in search
27:05
of new resources that they had
27:07
heard about from people they
27:10
were related to. We know that
27:12
the Altai Mountains, for example,
27:14
are incredibly rich in various metals
27:16
and that the Amniya were
27:18
skilled metalworkers. So there are all
27:21
sorts of theories that have
27:23
been put forward, but it seems
27:25
very clear now that the
27:27
migration that the Yamnaya, the early
27:29
Yamnaya made to the east
27:31
towards China was of a very
27:34
different nature from the first
27:36
farmers moving out of Anatolia. And
27:38
that the migration of the
27:40
Yamnaya westwards into Europe was different
27:42
again. Neither
27:45
one or the other, perhaps
27:47
spearheaded by roving male
27:50
warbands, but families come in
27:52
close behind. Again, looking
27:54
for new resources, looking
27:56
for new land. perhaps looking
27:58
for women and perhaps
28:00
just in a kind of
28:02
raiding mindset wanting to
28:05
add to their wealth in
28:07
a more expansionist way.
28:09
So there's many different reasons
28:11
that people move as
28:13
there are today and archaeologists
28:15
and genesis are beginning
28:17
to tease these out in
28:20
their different records. Yeah
28:22
and of course with all those different
28:24
reasons kind of any of them, or at
28:26
least most of them, end up with
28:28
encountering people who maybe speak a different language
28:30
or people who have different cultures, right?
28:32
They're not just kind of moving off into
28:34
the wilderness and there's no other humans. So
28:37
what do those encounters kind of
28:39
look like? I mean, obviously there has
28:41
to be encounters for these Indo -European
28:43
languages to expand. You
28:45
talk in the book about the role of alcohol
28:47
in some of these exchanges. I mean, what is,
28:50
can you tell us more about this side of
28:52
things? Absolutely. So as I said
28:54
earlier, languages can change
28:56
by descent, but also by borrowing,
28:58
by horizontal transfer. And that
29:00
happens really when populations speaking
29:02
different languages encounter each other. I
29:04
mean, if you think about
29:07
a modern example of migration, somebody
29:09
comes from, say, the Horn
29:11
of Africa or from Afghanistan,
29:13
they come to Western Europe. they
29:16
don't necessarily give up their
29:18
mother tongue but they will assimilate
29:20
with the new one and
29:22
becoming bilingual in the new place
29:24
they will act themselves as
29:26
conduits for words from between the
29:28
two languages and that's very
29:30
often how it happens how language
29:32
shift happens how loan words
29:34
travel from one language into another
29:36
and that's always happened that
29:38
way. But you can imagine I
29:40
think quite easily that the
29:42
conditions under which two groups of
29:44
people encounter each other shapes
29:46
the language that will eventually emerge
29:48
and that the language that
29:50
their grandchildren will be speaking assuming
29:52
that they stay in the
29:54
same place and perhaps eventually intermarry,
29:56
start trading with each other
29:58
and so on. I mean if
30:00
those people are coming in
30:02
are far more numerous than the
30:04
hosts, then their language might
30:06
impose itself more easily. If they
30:08
come in violence, that will
30:10
have a different effect than if
30:12
they come in peace. If
30:15
a pandemic clears out the
30:17
lands they're heading for of the
30:19
original population, the original inhabitants
30:21
before they arrive, or even with
30:23
them because they're the ones
30:26
bringing in the germs, you'll
30:28
get a different pattern again. These
30:31
factors and many others can
30:33
shape what language emerges in
30:35
the new place and how
30:37
the two languages coming into
30:39
contact with each other will
30:41
influence each other in their
30:43
different compartments, in the registers
30:46
that are spoken, whether
30:48
it's the common people who
30:50
are absorbing the loan words
30:52
or the elite. So
30:54
languages are spoken by many different people
30:56
within a population from many different... in many
30:58
different ways and different compartments of that
31:00
language could be influenced by the encounter in
31:02
different ways. But in prehistory,
31:05
I guess the underlying rule
31:07
is that in prehistory at
31:09
least, before writing,
31:11
before standards, linguistic standards,
31:13
before nation states which
31:15
insisted on national languages. languages
31:18
changed much faster and one
31:20
much more fluid and migration was
31:22
very much the main driving
31:24
force of that change and there
31:26
was less holding back that
31:28
change. Today we're living in a
31:30
very strange period in history
31:32
really because writing, schooling, widespread
31:34
literacy impose standards on languages and
31:37
so slow down their change in
31:39
many ways but so you can
31:41
think of prehistory as a time
31:43
when when languages changed faster, when
31:45
speak of what relations were smaller
31:47
in general, and
31:49
when migration had a
31:51
disproportionately large impact
31:54
in linguistic change. Okay,
31:56
that's a very useful comparison to make sure
31:58
we don't just assume that the way things are
32:00
now has kind of always been the case. What
32:03
about then the ways in which these
32:05
different migrations can, I mean, you've mentioned
32:07
different reasons for them, but also different
32:09
kind of ways in which they're
32:12
happening. I mean, earlier with the Yam Naya,
32:14
you mentioned, okay, maybe it's resource expansion, maybe
32:16
it's more raiding, maybe it's more, you know,
32:18
there's a lot of different reasons. Some
32:20
of which are more peaceful or
32:22
more violent than others. Does
32:25
that impact the way in which
32:27
languages change? You know, thinking, obviously,
32:29
not as far back as the
32:31
Yam Naya, like the Vikings invading
32:33
England. don't necessarily make as big
32:35
a linguistic change as the Normans
32:38
invading England, even though it's like
32:40
roughly the same time and there's
32:42
violence in both cases. Like how
32:44
do we understand the interactions between
32:46
things like violence, migration and linguistic
32:48
change? Yeah, so like just to
32:50
give a simple example that might apply in
32:52
all those cases from the Yandaya forward. Imagine
32:56
that you came and you massacred
32:58
everybody who was there. Then
33:02
your language imposes itself fairly
33:04
easily. But if you come
33:06
in a sort of slower
33:08
flux, and if you
33:10
insinuate yourself within the host
33:12
population, and
33:14
you're more or less accepted,
33:16
if you are overwhelmingly male and
33:18
you take Indigenous women for
33:20
wives, by force
33:23
or willingly, you're
33:25
already setting up a situation where there's
33:27
going to be more crosstalk between the
33:30
languages, the ones that were there before
33:32
and your own. And in fact,
33:34
when the Yamnaya came to Europe, they
33:37
actually didn't penetrate too far into
33:39
Europe. It looks more like their
33:41
descendants did the penetrating. And
33:43
some of those were very violent, others
33:45
of them less so. But it looks
33:47
like they hooked up with local women
33:50
and that this was in a way
33:52
essential to their survival. It was essential
33:54
to their learning through production methods that
33:56
were adapted to that environment and much
33:58
more. forested environment than the treatise step
34:00
where they came from. They learnt new
34:02
flora and fauna, they learnt the words
34:04
for these things from their wives, and
34:07
they basically adopted a whole
34:09
new vocabulary and probably sounds and
34:12
grammatical constructions with it, and
34:14
those have passed on to their
34:16
children. So you can see
34:18
how these dynamics shift depending on
34:20
the conditions in which people
34:22
meet. Vikings
34:25
came to Britain in
34:28
the 8th century. They
34:30
spoke Old Norse, which
34:32
is another Germanic language,
34:35
like Anglo -Saxon, like Old English,
34:37
which came to Britain a few
34:39
centuries earlier with the invasion
34:41
of the Anglo -Saxons. And
34:44
probably one idea is that
34:46
those languages were not so
34:48
far apart that they couldn't
34:50
be the two
34:52
groups couldn't understand each other. So
34:55
the Vikings look to have
34:57
taken up the language in the
34:59
new place. They left
35:01
some sort of light traces in
35:03
it. They tweaked its grammar a
35:05
bit. They gave us some unforgettable
35:07
place names like Grimsby and Whitby
35:09
and Skegnes. But
35:12
in other ways, they changed
35:14
it hardly at all. And
35:16
Old Norse had gone from Britain within a
35:18
few centuries. You can think of... encountered
35:20
perhaps a bit like what happens
35:22
when Italian speakers go to Spain
35:24
or vice versa. They can quite
35:26
often get by just by speaking
35:28
slowly in their native tongue. They
35:30
don't have to take up the
35:33
new language to be understood because
35:35
Italian and Spanish are sufficiently similar
35:37
for most purposes, for some purposes
35:39
anyway. But you
35:41
mentioned earlier alcohol and that's
35:43
an interesting as well as a
35:45
fun point because Only
35:47
10 years ago, when the genesis
35:50
detected a massive turnover in the European
35:52
gene pool that indicated an immigration,
35:54
a vast immigration from the step, the
35:56
initial thinking was that that must
35:58
have been violent, that to get up
36:00
to 90 % replacement of the genes
36:02
in parts of Europe, which is
36:05
what they see, and a wholesale replacement
36:07
of the Y chromosome, the
36:09
male sex chromosome, that
36:11
there must have been violence, there must have been massacres, there must
36:13
have been rape. But
36:15
now the thinking has moved on quite
36:17
a lot in just 10 years. And
36:20
it's now looking far more
36:22
complex and nuanced. And although there
36:24
might have been violence in
36:26
places, although pandemics, epidemics might have
36:28
contributed to the imposition of
36:30
the new language, I think
36:32
it's fair to say that
36:34
the consensus is that it's the
36:37
social conventions of the... people
36:39
that helped them to impose their
36:41
language. They were numerically far
36:43
fewer than the Indigenous people at
36:45
the beginning, but they
36:47
were nomads from this step and
36:49
they had a whole suite of
36:51
institutions and social conventions which enabled
36:53
them, which they developed to enable
36:55
them to maintain links over time
36:57
and space. And
37:00
one of those, one very
37:02
important one of those, was
37:04
hospitality. Hospitality was incredibly important
37:06
to them. And you can
37:08
see that in their language
37:10
too, the reconstructed Portuguese -European
37:13
lexicon has a word hostis,
37:15
which is essentially the ancestor
37:17
of both ghost in English
37:19
and host in English. And
37:22
it reflects the fact that for
37:24
those people hospitality was not only very
37:26
important, but it was reciprocal. So
37:28
that when you received, when you
37:30
were taken in and fed and watered
37:32
and looked after by someone whose
37:35
land you were crossing with your herds,
37:37
you were expected to do the
37:39
same when the tables were turned. And
37:41
that's the way that those people
37:43
kept peace when they were so extremely
37:45
mobile when they had to move
37:47
with their herds to find grass through
37:50
the seasons. And so they avoided
37:52
conflict by these by
37:54
these means. And at
37:56
the heart of their hospitality
37:58
were storytelling. Storytelling was critically important.
38:00
Bards, the whole role of
38:02
bards in the Indo -European traditions
38:04
is central. And
38:07
alcohol. Now the Yan Naya,
38:09
it's not clear that they
38:11
drank, they probably preferred cannabis,
38:13
smoking cannabis. But beginning
38:15
with their descendants, the
38:18
Corded Ware people who
38:20
brought the Indo -European languages
38:22
to northern Europe, and
38:24
the Belbica people who
38:26
eventually emerged from the
38:28
meeting of the Cordidwa
38:31
and the more indigenous
38:33
European farmers, alcohol
38:35
became a tradition, one that was
38:37
handed down to the Celts, the
38:39
Germani, the Italic speakers, the
38:41
Bolts, the Slas and all those others
38:43
in Europe who still stay speaking
38:45
the European languages. And funny
38:47
enough, it came probably with The
38:50
two -handled tanker that is you
38:52
know, that is still the
38:54
loving cup as it's sometimes called
38:56
that's still handed around today
38:58
at After dinner at Ducksbridge colleges.
39:00
So there was this idea
39:02
that alcohol It was central to
39:04
feasting where stories were told
39:06
and it was through these mechanisms
39:09
that That the Indo -Europeans managed
39:11
to sort of mark themselves
39:13
out as prestigious as people you
39:15
wanted to be with as
39:17
people who had a tradition
39:19
that you found interesting and alluring and
39:21
wanted to be a part of. And
39:24
so you took up their languages and you
39:26
began to tell their stories at the same time
39:28
too. So yeah, alcohol is
39:30
central to it. And I think if
39:32
you speak to linguists today who are, for
39:34
example, trying to document undocumented languages, I
39:36
suspect that many of them would tell you
39:38
that language, that alcohol is a very
39:40
good sort of oiler of the wheels when
39:43
it comes to learning language. It kind
39:45
of removes your inhibitions a little bit. and
39:47
makes you free to make the
39:49
mistakes that you must do in order
39:52
to learn a new language. And
39:54
it just makes that
39:57
whole encounter with your language
39:59
teacher, with the native
40:01
speaker, much easier, flow much
40:03
more easily, and be much more
40:05
agreeable until, of course, you overdo
40:07
it. The missing
40:09
child is Lucia Blix, nine
40:11
years old. Please let her
40:13
come back home safely. Thursdays.
40:17
The kidnappers fund it. The take -killers pay.
40:19
If money is what it takes to get
40:21
her back, we're gonna pay it. The
40:24
secrets they hide. You can't talk about
40:26
this. You can't write about it. Are the
40:28
clues. The mother's hiding something. I know
40:30
it. To find her. Tell me where she
40:32
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That's a very interesting link to see
41:40
more practice that still could be
41:42
applicable today. I wonder if we
41:44
can talk about something else you talk about
41:46
in the book that we haven't really mentioned
41:48
yet, which is, of course, the idea that
41:50
as much as this was all prompted by
41:52
your interest, as you said, other people's interests
41:54
as well, in the links we can still
41:56
see between languages that are still around today,
41:58
that kind of prompts the hang on a
42:00
second, how did that happen? Not
42:02
all of the languages that come
42:04
down from Proto still
42:07
exist, you discuss them in the book
42:09
kind of as ghosts. Can
42:11
we see the ghost? I mean, that
42:13
sounds almost like a silly question, but
42:15
can we even see the ones that
42:17
didn't survive, if that makes sense? Yeah,
42:20
so, I mean, there are two
42:22
kinds of ghosts, I suppose. There are
42:24
the dead Indo -European languages that we
42:26
know once existed because they were
42:28
written down. So that would be languages
42:30
like ancient Greek, Sanskrit, Hittite, so
42:32
on. But then there
42:34
are the ghosts which were never written
42:36
down but which we can detect sort
42:38
of indirectly and I suppose because of
42:40
that they're more deserving of the word
42:42
ghost where they've left a trace in
42:45
the living Indian languages probably because their
42:47
speakers encountered the speakers of the ones
42:49
that survived at some point and you
42:51
know made a legacy of their words
42:53
and sounds. And so we can detect
42:55
those words that come down to us
42:57
whose origins can't be explained any other
42:59
way. So I'll give you an example. There's
43:02
a clutch of words, and this is the
43:04
work, by the way, of the Dutch linguist,
43:06
Peter Schreiber, which I cite in the book.
43:09
There's a clutch of words that
43:11
we still use today in
43:13
Indo -European for hilariously animals with
43:15
big feet. So the
43:18
Dutch word pad, which means
43:20
toad, Irish pata, hare,
43:22
Welsh pathu. and I have
43:24
to apologise by pronunciation
43:26
to native speakers, but all
43:28
of those three of
43:31
those words, they are derived
43:33
from a Proto -Indo -European
43:35
pet, which meant foot, but
43:37
in the known Indo -European languages, for example,
43:39
in Greek, pet became podi,
43:42
in Latin it became pez, and
43:44
in English it became foot. None
43:47
of the known, none of
43:49
the living Indo -European languages
43:51
preserved that a of pad,
43:53
pata, pathu. So the Shriver's
43:55
thinking is that those words must
43:57
have come down from one of the
44:00
lost Indo -European languages, which took the
44:02
e of Proto -Indo -European ped and
44:04
transformed it to an a and then
44:06
died before they could be written
44:08
down. But their legacy is those three
44:10
words that we borrowed into the
44:12
living Indo -European languages. So that's an
44:14
example of how we detect tangentially,
44:17
indirectly, the
44:19
long -lost Indo -European languages, which
44:22
we have no other way of
44:24
detecting, but which have nevertheless shaped
44:26
the way we speak today. Very
44:28
cool to see ghosts in the record
44:30
and be able to kind of make sense
44:33
of those puzzles. And you
44:35
discuss in the book that there's
44:37
actually many puzzles that have been solved
44:39
or progressed around all of these
44:41
kind of ancient linguistic questions. Actually, really
44:43
recently, there's samples, there's studies
44:45
you talk about in the book from
44:47
like within the last year that have
44:49
made huge strides and some questions that
44:52
have been open for decades, if not
44:54
longer than that. Could you tell us
44:56
a little bit about some of these
44:58
recent puzzles that have been either solved
45:00
or at least significantly steps forward taken?
45:03
Yeah, so I think you gave
45:06
the example of Baltic and
45:08
Slavic, so... Baltic
45:10
and Slavic, the living Baltic language
45:12
is being Lithuanian and Latvian,
45:14
the Slavic being today a much
45:16
larger group stretching from Russian
45:18
in the east to Czech in
45:20
the west, there are actually
45:22
three subgroups recognised within Slavic. But
45:25
they've always been recognised
45:27
as being closely related.
45:29
I would say that
45:31
up until a few
45:33
decades ago, the thinking
45:35
was that though they were closely related, linguistically
45:38
as well as in space
45:40
they had always been distinct
45:42
that they'd moved out separately
45:44
if you like from that
45:46
proto -European homeland or cradle
45:48
as it's sometimes called and
45:50
sort of gone their own
45:52
way from there. The thinking
45:54
now is that they were
45:56
actually fused, they were one
45:58
language for quite a long
46:00
time until about 4 ,000 years
46:02
ago at least and The
46:06
reason for thinking that there
46:08
was once a Baltic -Slavic
46:10
language is, first of all,
46:13
place names. So
46:15
around the many of
46:17
the rivers of Eastern
46:19
Europe, the tributaries of
46:21
the Dnieper River, for example, which
46:24
flows across Ukraine, many of
46:26
those names are now
46:28
considered Baltic -Slavic in
46:30
origin. But also Baltic
46:32
languages and Slavic languages they
46:35
share a whole vocabulary
46:37
to do with rivers,
46:40
fascinatingly. So, for
46:42
example, an now
46:44
extinct Baltic language had
46:46
a word, esketres, which
46:48
meant sturgeon. It was the name
46:50
of the fish that in English
46:52
were called sturgeon. And
46:54
the Slavic word for the
46:57
same fish is osetr. So
46:59
those two words are related
47:01
to each other. One is
47:03
Baltic, one is Slavic, and
47:06
the thinking, therefore, is that
47:08
they are descended from a
47:10
Baltic -Slavic ancestor, which was
47:12
spoken by people who once
47:14
lived on the middle of
47:16
the Dnieper River and who,
47:18
though might originally have started
47:20
out as herders, very much
47:22
exploited that freshwater environment, fished,
47:24
used rafts. caught the kind
47:26
of catfish, sturgeon, all the
47:28
other fish native to those
47:30
rivers and lived off them,
47:32
supplemented their herders' diets with
47:34
them. And so that, you
47:36
know, original population of speakers left
47:38
their trace, if you like, in that
47:41
riverine vocabulary to be found in
47:43
the Baltic and Slavic languages of today.
47:45
That is a very cool example. Thank you
47:47
for telling us a bit about it.
47:49
But of course, there are still open questions
47:52
as well that have not yet been
47:54
figured out. What are one or two that
47:56
you find the most exciting that listeners
47:58
might want to kind of keep an eye
48:00
out for to see what comes next? I
48:02
mean, there are, as you have
48:05
pointed out, many, many unusual questions
48:07
in this story, which, you know,
48:09
is not surprising given that we're
48:11
talking about 10 ,000 years of
48:13
human history and a vast... of
48:15
the globe. I
48:17
suppose one of the most active
48:19
areas of research at the
48:21
moment, and perhaps also the most
48:23
controversial, is what happened before
48:25
the emergence of that proto -Indo -European
48:27
language, as I have been calling it.
48:30
In some sense, no language
48:32
comes out of nowhere. When
48:35
we talk about a common ancestor, it
48:37
also came from somewhere. And there's now
48:39
a great deal of discussion and research
48:41
going into the question of what was
48:43
the earlier phase? Was there an earlier
48:45
ancestor? And it
48:47
all rests around thinking about
48:49
the relationship between the Anatolian
48:51
languages, which have including Hittite,
48:54
spoken on the modern Turkish
48:56
peninsula, which were often thought
48:58
to be the eldest daughter
49:00
of Proto -Indo -European. And now
49:02
the consensus is shifting to
49:04
thinking of them. that branch,
49:06
that Anatolian branch, as a
49:08
sister of Proto -Indo -European, where
49:10
those two sisters sprung from
49:12
an earlier common ancestor, opinion
49:15
is moving that way based
49:17
on the latest research. So then
49:19
the question becomes, where was
49:21
that earlier ancestor spoken? And
49:23
I think it is highly
49:25
controversial, but I think the
49:27
research, the findings, and the
49:29
views amongst the archaeologist's genesis
49:32
linguists are homing in on
49:34
an earlier homeland for that
49:36
older ancestor somewhere to the
49:38
east of the Black Sea
49:40
in the sort of Caucasus
49:43
region, either the
49:45
southern steppe or the Armenian
49:47
highlands or somewhere in
49:49
between. But that is
49:51
very much an open question. The
49:53
other really interesting question to me
49:55
is that these people, the Yamnaya
49:57
who we now think with
50:00
no certainty, but with a high degree
50:02
of confidence, let's say, spoke Proto and
50:04
European. They were
50:06
revolutionaries in their way. They
50:08
invented a whole new way
50:10
of life. They appear
50:12
to have moved out of a
50:14
river valley initially, somewhere
50:17
around the lower Don, somewhere
50:19
with terrible irony in the
50:21
place that's being contested now
50:23
in the Ukraine -Russia war, and
50:26
to expand it from
50:28
there. made them
50:30
do that. What was the reason
50:32
that those few initial clams, speaking
50:34
a dialect to Proto and European,
50:36
moved out from their ancestral river
50:38
valley and invented this new very
50:40
nomadic lifestyle which enabled them to
50:42
unlock the energy resources of the
50:44
steppe and so spread, taking their
50:46
language with them? What was the
50:48
impetus for that move? Now
50:50
we may never know, but there
50:53
are archaeological sites that
50:55
could answer that question. The
50:57
trouble is that many
50:59
of them find themselves in
51:01
that war zone which
51:03
has now been mined and
51:05
so they're off limits. Whether
51:08
they'll ever be able to get back
51:10
to them is anybody's guess but the
51:12
information might be out there which I
51:14
find absolutely tantalising. Yeah,
51:16
no, who knows what we'll be able to
51:18
find out in future. But thank you for
51:20
helping us know what to pay attention to.
51:23
What might you be working on then now that this
51:25
book is obviously out in the world? Do you have
51:27
any next projects, whether or not they're books, whether or
51:29
not they're all this topic that you want to give
51:31
us a brief sneak preview of? I
51:33
mean, I'm still very much absorbed
51:36
in language questions. I find them
51:38
fascinating. I find
51:40
this cross talk between
51:42
you know, the paleogenetics
51:44
and the linguistics and
51:46
archaeology just so exciting
51:48
and fruitful and puzzling
51:50
in many ways. And
51:53
of course, Indo -European is
51:55
the language family that
51:57
has been the best studied
51:59
in recent times. So,
52:01
you know, there are many
52:03
equally fascinating, complex language
52:05
stories, you know, waiting to
52:07
be discovered. And the
52:09
one that really interests me
52:11
at the moment is
52:13
the languages of Papua New
52:15
Guinea of Melanesia because
52:17
those languages are barely documented
52:19
in that island of
52:21
New Guinea which is divided
52:23
between two nations Papua
52:25
New Guinea and Indonesia but
52:27
that island has I
52:29
think 850 languages and counting
52:31
the number keeps going
52:33
up because new languages keep
52:35
being discovered but that's it's
52:38
a sective because in fact those
52:40
languages many of them are also dying
52:42
so it's a race against time at
52:44
the moment to document them but just
52:46
to give you an idea of why
52:49
I find them so fascinating as one
52:51
linguist who's studying them Nick Evans
52:53
Australian told me you've got the diversity
52:55
of the languages spoken the length of
52:57
breadth of the Eurasian landmass in 1
52:59
% of that landmass and in 0 .1
53:01
% of the population. So it's just
53:03
extraordinary the evolutionary story of the languages
53:05
on that one island. And I think
53:08
it will give us insights into
53:10
the nature of language and the history
53:12
of language per se. And even
53:14
who knows into whether, you know,
53:16
Chomsky ultimately was right about there
53:18
being a universal pattern to human
53:20
language. Very
53:23
intriguing indeed. I'm
53:25
very curious to see how that
53:27
interest potentially develops. But of course,
53:29
in the meantime, listeners can read the
53:31
book we've been discussing titled Proto,
53:34
How One Ancient Language Went Global,
53:36
published by HarperCollins in 2025. Laura,
53:38
thank you so much for joining me on the podcast.
53:40
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