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at polestar.com. From
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New York Times Opinion, this is the
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Ezra Klein Show. I've
0:57
watched a lot of presidential campaigns,
1:00
and I can't remember one where
1:02
the contest for who is going
1:04
to be the next Democratic vice
1:06
presidential nominee has played out quite
1:09
so publicly. You've
1:11
watched these Midwestern and Southern
1:13
white male Democratic governors and
1:15
possibilities, cabinet members in the
1:18
case of Pete Buttigieg, fanning
1:20
out across the media to make their case. And
1:23
that's allowed for some voices
1:25
and figures to break through
1:27
who you might not have imagined before. And
1:30
foremost among them is Minnesota Governor
1:32
Tim Walz. I don't
1:35
think anybody else in the party has shot as
1:37
rapidly from somebody who
1:39
fairly few people have heard of. I mean,
1:41
you know, if you follow who's the chair
1:43
of the Democratic Governors Association, you might have
1:45
known him. To somebody that all of a
1:47
sudden is on the shortlist, all of a
1:49
sudden has a loud,
1:51
proud, excited online fan base. And
1:54
not just that, but somebody who
1:56
has changed the entire rest of
1:58
the Democratic Party's messaging. And
2:01
what began it, the core of
2:04
Walt's slingshot to national prominence
2:06
was one interview on Morning Joe. I
2:08
think this is going back to the
2:10
bread and butter, getting away from this
2:12
division. We do not like what has
2:14
happened where we can't even go to
2:16
Thanksgiving dinner with our uncle, because you
2:18
end up in some weird fight that
2:20
is unnecessary. And I think bringing back
2:22
people together, well, it's true, these guys
2:24
are just weird. And it is, you
2:27
know, they're running for He-Man Women Haters
2:29
Club or something. That's what they go
2:31
at. That's not what people are interested in.
2:33
That was the interview you heard around the Democratic
2:35
Party. I remember it hit me on social media.
2:38
I saw that and thought, oh, that really connects.
2:40
And then all of a sudden, it was
2:43
all you heard from Democrats, right? Weird, weird,
2:45
weird. These guys are weird. They're weird and
2:47
creepy. You ever see this guy? Like when
2:49
he's on stage, he like kind of meanders
2:51
over, you know, can't really walk well. And
2:53
he goes over to the flag and he
2:55
like hugs the flag. I love the flag,
2:58
but it's a weird thing he does. Some
3:00
of what he and his running mate
3:02
are saying, well, it's just plain weird.
3:04
J.D. Vance is awfully weird. A
3:07
super weird idea from J.D. Vance.
3:10
They're just weird. I mean, they
3:12
really are. It's weird and
3:14
it's, I don't know what to
3:16
say. It's just banana. It's not
3:18
just a weird style that he
3:20
brings. It's that this leads to
3:23
weird policies. Well, that was a weird comment.
3:25
That definitely is weird. And some of the
3:27
different things and positions they've taken seems
3:30
fairly weird to me. What
3:32
is this role? Why did this connect this way? Part
3:35
of it, I think, is it weird got
3:37
at something Democrats have had trouble walking the
3:39
line on, which is on
3:41
the one hand, there's real threat from Donald Trump and
3:43
the Republicans. And on the
3:46
other hand, to endlessly talking about them in
3:48
these existential terms to make them this sort
3:50
of mythic global right-wing populist bogeyman also
3:53
gives a power to people that maybe they
3:55
don't deserve. Maybe they don't even really hold,
3:57
right? Maybe this is all built a little
3:59
bit on Sam. On the
4:01
other hand, this is a tricky argument to
4:03
make, because it's very
4:05
easy for it to fall into something
4:07
that does bedevil Democrats, which is moving
4:09
from a critique of Republican politicians
4:12
to a critique of the people who vote
4:14
for Republicans, right? You can
4:16
imagine this overstepping and becoming a little
4:18
bit more like Hillary Clinton's deplorables comment.
4:21
But Waltz makes this argument from a very
4:23
different place. He makes it with
4:26
a very different record. He has won repeatedly
4:28
in a congressional district that was quite red,
4:30
a congressional district that heavily favored Donald Trump.
4:33
He is the popular and highly accomplished
4:35
governor of a Midwestern state. He
4:38
comes from himself a very small town, and
4:41
he's very careful about this boundary, you'll hear
4:43
that here, between what he is
4:45
talking about in Republican politicians and
4:47
the way Democrats should be talking to Republicans and
4:50
voters who support Republicans. So
4:52
I've been curious to hear Waltz go a little bit deeper
4:55
on all this, and I invited him on the show. He
4:57
was kind enough to accept. As always,
4:59
my email is reclineshow at nytimes.com. Governor
5:08
Waltz, welcome to the show. Thanks for having me, Ezra. So
5:10
you told my old friend, The Washington Post columnist,
5:13
E.J. Dionne, that you don't win elections to
5:16
bank political capital. You
5:18
win elections to burn the capital to improve lives. Talk
5:20
to me about that theory
5:22
of politics. Yeah, and I think it's a
5:24
Minnesota mantra, too. I think that's, you know, I would be right. I
5:27
would be remiss if I didn't. Those that came
5:29
before Paul Wellstone talked about that a lot. The idea
5:31
of why you're in this is, is
5:34
to collectively try and make sure that you can improve
5:36
folks' lives, that you can give
5:38
them opportunities. And I think
5:40
too often we get into this that there's a
5:42
cautiousness around, I got elected, if I get a
5:45
little too aggressive on certain things, it'll
5:47
make it more difficult to get reelected, which
5:49
the whole point is you got there to,
5:51
whether it was school lunches or paid family
5:53
medical leave, you're there now, why don't you
5:55
get that done now? And I made the case that if we can get
5:57
everything done in one session, then I won't have to do this again. and
6:00
it can move on. And I think
6:02
that attitude inspires people to get going,
6:04
to find solutions and to move, because
6:06
there's a frustration amongst folks
6:08
that you're there, now what are we gonna
6:10
see with it and get it done? So
6:13
not to get reelected, it's to get the work done. If you can
6:15
get it done, fast do it. You all
6:17
passed so much after you got that governing trifecta
6:19
and did so fast. I don't think we can
6:22
cover it all here, but I did wanna try
6:24
to pull together one thread, which is I've heard
6:26
you talk about an ambition to
6:28
make Minnesota the best place to raise a kid. Obviously
6:31
families and support for families is something that
6:34
the G.D. Vance and the Republicans wanna put
6:36
at the center of the election, but
6:38
there's a question of what that nets out to and best place to
6:40
raise a kid, I think is a good way of thinking about it.
6:43
So tell me about that dimension of it.
6:45
What did you pass that
6:47
made Minnesota a better place to raise a
6:50
child? Yeah, when I talk about making sure
6:52
it's the best place to raise a child,
6:54
that means that everybody has healthcare, especially women,
6:56
they've got access to prenatal care. It makes
6:58
sure that affordable housing is at a foundational
7:00
piece. It makes sure that food security is
7:03
at a piece. And then you can start
7:05
moving into the things around children all
7:07
day kindergarten, making sure that daycare
7:09
is affordable and we're getting more
7:12
daycare providers. We passed the most
7:14
generous child tax credit, $1,750 for every child you have
7:16
up until their age 18. Those
7:21
are things that we know during the pandemic,
7:23
the federal government did that and we reduced
7:25
childhood poverty during the pandemic because of those
7:27
accelerated child tax credit. It expired, Minnesota picked
7:30
it up and grew it. And so what
7:32
you end up getting is, is you get
7:34
stability around housing, you get
7:36
stability around healthcare, you get stability
7:38
around food security, and then you
7:40
make sure that parents are given
7:42
those options around childcare. And once
7:44
that starts to happen, you start
7:46
to see things take off. And lo and
7:49
behold, and I mean, this is ideologically, JD
7:52
Vance would vote against all those things, he would, and
7:54
I don't think he would deny that. The
7:56
difference there is, is that this makes it
7:58
so much easier to actually. have children. It's
8:00
super expensive now. It's super hard if you're not
8:03
going to. It really is. Yeah, people aren't
8:05
sitting around in the bar talking about banning animal
8:08
farm. They're sitting in the bar talking about how expensive child
8:10
care is and how are we going to get it? Let's
8:13
come back to the workforce question in a second. But I don't want
8:15
to beat up on J.D. Vance here too much. But
8:18
you mentioned the child tax credit. And one
8:21
of the things that I found very strange
8:23
in the way Vance and some Republicans behind
8:25
him, clearly sort of online Republican world he's
8:27
coming out of, have been
8:29
talking about this. He had some comments where he
8:31
said, look, we
8:34
want to disincentivize bad things. And
8:37
so if you are single and childless,
8:39
you should pay higher taxes. And
8:42
on the one hand, that's one way to
8:44
describe what the child tax credit is. And
8:46
I'm a big fan of the child tax
8:48
credit. And it's also one of
8:51
the worst possible ways I could
8:53
have possibly imagined to sell the child tax
8:55
credit. There is and it's come up in
8:57
some other clips of him. Did he articulate
8:59
that Ezra? Did he articulate that as a
9:02
reason? He articulated this completely
9:04
straightforwardly. He said elsewhere that not having
9:06
kids makes you more deranged and sociopathic.
9:09
There's a sort of
9:11
emergent rhetoric there about
9:13
that's not exactly pro-family. It's
9:16
anti not having a family or
9:18
even not having one yet. Yes.
9:21
It struck me as a very strange shift to make,
9:24
to take something that is extremely in the mainstream of
9:26
political rhetoric, invert it. So you've
9:28
made it a highly polarizing issue. I'm
9:30
curious how it's read to you. The
9:32
word you're looking for is weird, probably.
9:34
Yeah, that is a strange thing. And
9:36
I think you're right. But that's the interesting
9:38
thing behind this guy. I said he
9:40
was created in the, you know, the
9:42
heritage lab. That's the ideology
9:44
of some of these fringe groups behind him, in
9:46
my opinion, that very well might be right. And
9:48
it's buried. It is a bit cynical, is
9:51
a way to put it. But I'll have to tell
9:53
you, this childhood tax credit is really popular, except you're
9:55
right. There are folks that are saying, well, I didn't
9:57
get my tax credit at the, my, you know, cut.
10:00
at the top, these guys got it. You're incentivizing
10:02
these out of wedlock bursts. And look, you didn't
10:04
even put a cap on it, governor. You could
10:06
claim 10 children on this thing.
10:08
That's exactly right, you could. And
10:10
our case on this is you get to
10:12
make your own choices. And again, I'm not
10:14
gonna shy away from our entire tax system
10:16
in Minnesota is rated the
10:18
most fair in the country, which means
10:21
it's progressive. It is a progressive
10:23
tax credit. Does good policy here
10:25
lead to good politics? And I'm thinking
10:27
here specifically of the child tax credit.
10:29
My favorite thing in the
10:31
American Rescue Plan was the heavily expanded child
10:34
tax credit. Democrats set that where it could
10:36
expire after a year. Their thinking
10:38
federally when they did this was that people
10:40
would be so excited about the child tax
10:42
credit, so happy about it, that it would
10:44
build the political momentum to get it continued
10:47
or even made permanent after that year. And
10:49
they're wrong. It expired, Republicans would not renew
10:51
it, at least at that time. And
10:53
I think that's been true for a number of things on the
10:56
Biden agenda, that Democrats are very proud
10:58
of, the inflation reduction act, the infrastructure
11:00
bill that have not led to self-fulfilling
11:02
political benefits, right? They've not created their
11:04
own future constituencies. What do you think
11:06
that is? Some
11:08
of it might be the messaging that they do.
11:10
They're distracting them with crazy stories
11:12
they're telling. And some of it are good. I'll
11:14
accept responsibility. I don't think we do a good
11:17
enough job of telling what we did. Life's complicated.
11:19
People don't know. I think a lot of people
11:21
didn't know they were getting the credit or how
11:23
it was coming from. You know, I hear people
11:25
complain that we had a surplus and we went
11:27
through it. That's because we reduced taxes massively on
11:29
working people. And that's kind of the way it
11:31
worked. The cousin of the tax
11:33
credit in Minnesota is the free breakfast and
11:35
lunch. And what was really
11:37
interesting about that was we
11:40
implemented it, we passed it, we went in this year
11:42
and guess what happened? Tons of people used it. So
11:44
it actually ran that it was gonna need some more
11:46
money into it. The Republicans came right away and said,
11:49
we're gonna be running a deficit in, you know, it's
11:51
like six years out, we're triple A bond rated. So
11:53
it's all, so they look six years out. If this
11:55
program stays, it's gonna be running a deficit. At some
11:57
point in time, we need to cut it. Fundamentally,
12:00
they believe you're giving away free things to people
12:02
who don't do it. And we know all those
12:05
free breakfast and free lunch has massive gains. So
12:07
I would go back to your original question. I
12:10
think the child tax credit, maybe it's a
12:12
little more complex. In Minnesota, we had to
12:14
go out and work really hard because the
12:16
people most targeted because of our progressive tax
12:18
code don't file taxes. If you don't file
12:20
taxes, you don't get the credit. So we
12:22
had to go out door to door, get
12:24
people to sign up, file a tax return
12:26
to get your credit. And there's
12:28
folks that look, they're working, they're busy, they're not as
12:31
engaged. And if you don't put it in
12:33
permanently, where's the constituency to come
12:35
argue? Those families aren't going to be up at state capital
12:38
advocating for expansion of the child tax credit
12:40
unless we're more aggressive and tell the story.
12:43
The Democrats sometimes make their policy too
12:45
complex because I've seen this clip going
12:47
around of you defending why
12:49
you didn't beans test the school
12:51
lunch. It would save money. Why
12:54
are you paying for lunch for the children
12:56
of rich parents? There's always that,
12:58
why am I paying for Bill Gates' kids
13:00
lunch whenever you think about making something? Isn't
13:03
that fascinating that Republicans saying, well, we don't
13:05
need to give tax cuts to the wealthy.
13:07
That's how they argued it around that. You shouldn't be
13:10
giving tax cuts to the wealthy, but the same man,
13:12
they were advocating for an income tax cut on
13:14
the top bracket. So no hypocrisy. No free stuff
13:16
to the wealthy, but definitely huge tax cuts to
13:18
the wealthy. So you
13:20
argued that it should be universal. The universality
13:23
made it simpler. How do
13:25
you think about the trade offs of complexity
13:27
and the means testing that creates complexity and
13:30
the politics of simplicity and
13:32
universality? Yeah, that is a good
13:34
one. And the purpose of that was as a guy who
13:36
supervised the high school lunch room for 20 years. All of
13:39
us who did that had our own accounts because kids would
13:41
run out of money and you would put it in. And
13:43
that lunch room then became a very clear have and have
13:46
nots. And in fact, some schools maybe still do it. You
13:48
had a different colored lunch ticket if you're on free and
13:50
reduced lunch. Free and reduced lunch also meant
13:52
you had to fill out paperwork. And so our point was
13:54
is that there was not going to be a division in
13:56
that lunch room. It was going to be eat. Don't
13:58
worry about it. Come in. don't have to have a
14:00
ticket, you don't have to do that. And what it
14:03
did was it started to break down barriers. And what
14:05
we saw was just very basic things around this. First
14:07
of all, attendance went up. We saw a
14:09
huge usage of this, and we saw classroom behaviors go
14:11
down. Well, no surprise, there are science shows us the
14:13
kids are hungry, there's going to be
14:15
more problems. And so I'm not certain
14:17
that we do think that through. And there's
14:19
always the balance between protecting these programs. They'll
14:22
complain about them. They're too expensive in
14:24
trying to make them as easy and as
14:27
efficient as possible. And we're trying to figure
14:29
better ways to do that. But I do think
14:31
you're right. I think Democrats get complex. We think these
14:33
things through in a way that a
14:35
lot of times makes sense, but it ends up
14:37
then becoming very cumbersome or becomes unoperable. So it's
14:39
a fair critique. And that's why with this one,
14:42
we didn't do that. And you know
14:44
the people who gave me as are the most
14:46
feedback on this was families,
14:48
and it's especially mothers because of the
14:50
unequal distribution of domestic labor is still
14:52
falls heavily upon women. And
14:55
these were women who said, look, we didn't
14:57
qualify before we do now. It's an absolute
14:59
tax cut for us, but it's an absolute
15:01
lifesaver for me that I don't have to
15:03
get up in the morning and either make
15:05
breakfast or send one to school for this.
15:07
So it's a double benefit for us. I
15:09
have less work. My kids eat. So it
15:12
was actually middle class folks who
15:14
were most jazzed about this. I
15:16
will say I am so thrilled whenever my kids
15:18
are in a situation where lunch is provided for
15:20
them. Because for me, I'm busy.
15:22
I get the time with them in the morning and
15:24
the question of whether I'm spending the time I could
15:27
have with them in the morning, making everybody lunch or
15:29
getting to enjoy my children. That's
15:32
a real question in parenting for me. Yes. One
15:35
of the partners is always has to do that more. That's
15:37
what came up in this. And that's how I think we
15:39
get to the middle class. And again, remove
15:41
yourself from the moral idea
15:43
that a kid should have a full belly and in
15:45
a land of plenty, there's enough to go around. We're
15:48
going to have healthier kids with better attendance that provide
15:50
a better workforce at the end of the day so
15:52
you can save money. Again, we know this. If you
15:54
provide preventative care, it's a lot better. You
15:56
know, you can keep somebody from getting diabetes a lot
15:58
cheaper than getting them on there where you have to
16:00
pay for it. And that's the same thing here. Start
16:02
them out healthy, get them there, feed them, get them
16:04
an education. This
16:19
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do that at nytimes.com/subscribe. So
17:58
you've had a hell of a couple of weeks. And
18:00
I don't think I've ever seen any
18:03
single person, including for that
18:05
matter, president, change an entire
18:07
party's messaging the way
18:09
here, riff on Morning Joe, on the
18:11
weirdness of Trump
18:13
and J.D. Vance and sort of Republicans of their
18:15
ilk did. I mean, now it's all
18:17
that any Democrat says. I mean, I heard
18:20
Joe Manchin calling J.D. Vance weird today. I
18:22
mean, when that messaging has hit Joe Manchin,
18:24
something's happened. So that connected
18:26
in a way, I almost can't remember
18:28
anything connecting, but you've been using that
18:30
word for a while, when a lot
18:32
of other Democrats are using existential, terrifying
18:35
and democratic. I'm not saying you don't believe those
18:37
things, but why for you weird? Yeah,
18:41
all those things are true about an existential
18:44
threat to global peace in my opinion, a
18:46
threat to women's reproductive. I think that, you
18:48
know, very clearly a desire
18:50
to strip constitutional power
18:52
and division, all of those things are
18:54
true. What I see is that that
18:56
kind of stuff is overwhelming for people. It's like other big
18:58
issues like climate change. If you can't tackle it one piece
19:00
at a time, it just seems why should I do anything
19:03
about it? And for me as a teacher, you
19:05
couldn't make your case why people were in that mindset.
19:07
When they're in a fear mindset, it's very difficult for
19:10
them to listen and they kept hearing that. And again,
19:12
our Democrats kept making that. Democracy is on the ballot.
19:14
You have to, yes, we know that's true and we're
19:16
scared to death. It's the Emperor's wearing
19:18
no clothes, is all this story is. The minute
19:21
you said that, the spell broke,
19:23
it dropped down. This guy's weird stories and
19:26
inability to connect like a human being on
19:28
any way. And I made the case, see
19:30
if you seeing laugh. He doesn't laugh unless
19:32
he's laughing at someone. And what happened was
19:34
the minute that spell came down, the minute
19:37
everybody in the crowd realized the Emperor wasn't
19:39
wearing any clothes, we can sweep in and
19:41
say, who's asking to ban
19:43
birth control? Who's asking to ban these books?
19:45
Who's asking to take veterans benefits away? And
19:48
then we come in and say, look, Kamala
19:50
Harris is talking about making sure that you have
19:53
expanded healthcare, making sure there's daycare available, making sure
19:55
that it's easier to get free school lunches. They're
19:57
talking about a national level. That's where that came.
19:59
came from. And weird is it's specifically
20:02
to him. I'm certainly not talking about
20:05
Republicans. I'm not talking about the people who are
20:07
at those rallies. I'm hearing this from my Republican
20:09
friends because the people at those rallies, they're the
20:11
ones that can most benefit from the message we're
20:13
delivering. I looked at him the other night in
20:16
St. Cloud, Minnesota, young women behind him. We're going
20:18
to provide reproductive care for them. I saw
20:20
a group holding Somalis for Trump. We have a
20:23
large Somali population. We're very proud of that. Donald
20:25
Trump has said, we're going to have a Muslim
20:27
ban. And he talked about Congresswoman Omar
20:29
and the Somali community as being so detrimental
20:31
rather than an asset to this. So we're
20:33
going to take care of those people too.
20:36
Look, I get riffed up and stuff and I've
20:38
called him worse things. I don't think
20:40
that works then. And certainly if you attack the
20:42
followers, those are my relatives. Those are my neighbors.
20:44
And whether they vote for me or not, I'm
20:47
still going to deliver free meals. We're still going
20:49
to do these things. He's not going to do
20:51
that. He's not going to do that
20:53
because the people behind him, look, there's somebody wants
20:55
to increase the price insulin. It's simply
20:57
not anybody in those rally crowds. So I think
20:59
what happened is, and I think this is where
21:01
Trump and his people get so excited. What do
21:03
they have if they don't have that fear? What
21:06
do they have if there's not a dystopian society?
21:08
What do they have if only dear leader can
21:10
come in and fix it? If people are saying,
21:12
actually, I'd like to have cheaper daycare. I'd actually
21:14
like them to quit talking about this. And I
21:16
really don't care who somebody's married to because I
21:18
believe the vast majority of people really
21:20
don't want to be in other people's bedrooms. And I
21:23
use the thing of small town. This is where JD
21:25
Vance doesn't get it. You survive best
21:27
by just mind your own damn business. Just stay out
21:29
of people's business. I want to get
21:31
at this distinction you're making between
21:34
Trump or Vance or the leaders
21:36
or the policymakers and the
21:38
crowds because one
21:40
of the most dangerous emotions that
21:42
Democrats sometimes let slip, the sort
21:44
of negative side of, I think,
21:47
the liberal personality can be
21:49
a kind of contempt, a
21:51
kind of smugness. This is why
21:53
Hillary Clinton's comment on deplorables, what was so damaging.
21:55
There is a sense among many people that
21:58
these educated liberals look down on them. they
22:00
think they're retrograde, they think they're stupid. Republicans
22:02
have a lot of negative personality traits too,
22:05
rage, anger, conspiratorial thinking,
22:07
but condescension and smugness could be
22:09
pretty lethal for Democrats. And one
22:12
of the things I have heard some Democrats worry
22:14
about as the sort of whole party has taken
22:16
up weird all at once was
22:19
you have a very calibrated way of
22:21
talking about this, not everybody does, and
22:23
it becoming a thing that it sounds
22:25
like Democrats are saying about all these
22:27
people who support Donald Trump and who
22:29
do like him, all these people who
22:31
feel left behind and left out of
22:33
the Democratic coalition. How do
22:35
you police that boundary? This
22:37
is where I take offense to J.D. Vance and in
22:40
Hillbilly Elegy, those are my people. I come from a
22:42
town of 400, 24 kids in a class, 12
22:46
cousins farming, those types of things, that
22:48
is there, and I know they're
22:50
not that. I know they're not weird, I know
22:53
they're not Donald Trump. The thing is we have
22:55
to get them away from what he's trying to
22:57
sell because that's not who they are. I mentioned
23:00
just picture in your mind Donald Trump coming home
23:02
after a day of work and picking
23:05
up a Frisbee and throwing it and his dog catches it and
23:07
the dog runs over and he gives him a good belly rub
23:09
because he's a good boy. That's what
23:11
I do and that's what those rally goers do.
23:14
That is exactly who they are and
23:16
they're going through the same things all of our
23:18
families are. He's captured some of this because I
23:20
think you're right. You people have forgotten me or
23:22
the entertainment value of whatever he's done and in
23:25
fear is scary. I mean, the world is changing.
23:28
We're seeing conflict in the Middle East. We saw a
23:30
global pandemic which he did nothing to
23:33
fix but seized upon. So yeah, I would
23:35
encourage anybody who's out there talking. I'm very
23:37
specific. Those people at those rallies are not
23:39
weird. That's not the point at all. His
23:41
message to them is, and then I think
23:43
it's kind of breaking that spell again of
23:45
saying, look, he's not offering you anything. And then
23:47
we dang sure better be ready to offer something.
23:50
If we can't offer something that impacts their lives
23:52
like these policies, that's why I say Republicans, they
23:54
may not admit it, they love the
23:56
free school meals and lunch. I guarantee you a
23:58
lot of them. like paid family
24:00
and medical leave. Small employers who
24:02
couldn't afford to compete against a best buy
24:05
and target who offered paid family medical leave,
24:07
now could offer and recruit employees. So now
24:09
they're saying, look, I'm paying a little bit
24:11
into this program, works, my employees are loyal
24:13
to me. And boy, they can
24:15
go home and be with their kids and keep them healthy. It's just,
24:18
we have to show them that there's nothing strange
24:20
about this. You know, they'll try and say this
24:22
ultra liberal, that's where we need to be
24:24
more specific. Oh, do you mean the free school lunches? Is
24:26
that what you, are the roads and bridges we built in
24:28
this town? Is that what you're speaking about? Governor,
24:31
you spent a surplus money on this. Yeah,
24:33
you mean when we eliminated social security tax
24:35
for most of seniors? Is that, that's the
24:37
one that most bothers you? There's never a
24:39
specific, they don't give you a specific on
24:42
what the liberal agenda is. And
24:44
we have to do a better job of saying, this is
24:46
what it is. This is the things that you're getting.
24:49
You ever read Hill Billiology? I did.
24:52
I did, years ago. I read it
24:54
years ago and I've been rereading it this week.
24:57
And I'm gonna say more about this in a future episode,
24:59
but it's a little bit of a shocking
25:01
reread. It feels like
25:03
he's predicting himself now. When you
25:05
read it, I mean, he talks about one of the
25:07
big points in early in the book is he says,
25:09
this is a story about people in a hard situation
25:12
responding to it, and I'm paraphrasing, in
25:14
the worst possible way with anger, with
25:16
resentment, with sort of scapegoating of others
25:18
without sort of personal responsibility for- So
25:20
I took that very personally, that he
25:23
was wrong, like putting us into
25:25
that mix. Yeah, tell me about that.
25:27
And then there's also this thing where Vance is
25:29
separating himself from that in that book. And
25:31
then the strange way in his own political evolution becomes
25:34
more like the thing he
25:37
is describing negatively in the book, his whole politics
25:39
becomes this. Everybody did
25:41
this to us, this sort
25:43
of anger and outsiders, this contempt for
25:45
other people, this sort of
25:47
like, wanna punch you in the face politics. The
25:50
read of this book psychologically changes so much
25:52
from who he was and to who he
25:54
is now. But also how he's talking about
25:56
people is really a liberal
25:58
would never talk about people and the places- he's from like
26:00
that? No, that's why I take
26:02
offense to it whenever you know that's taking offense
26:04
to that that's not my people and then I'm
26:07
making the case that there is something and it's
26:09
not about putting blame look societal
26:11
changes practices in agriculture that
26:13
you know use 40 acres and now
26:15
you know you need 400 acres and
26:17
more mechanization and you're going to see
26:19
a migration of population patterns but you're
26:21
also going to see those that accelerated
26:23
that those that took advantage of that
26:26
those like Donald Trump and
26:28
JD Vance who are telling you we
26:30
need to do school vouchers how are
26:32
you going to get a private school in a town of 400
26:34
that's not where the private school is going to be
26:37
the private school is going to be where it already
26:39
is giving tax breaks to the wealthiest and it undermines
26:41
what's the course the two things that are core small
26:43
communities school and hospital both of those things are going
26:45
to be in so I don't know the irony or
26:47
the masterful design of this it's guys just like him
26:50
and telling you that these people are just angry
26:52
bitter that's not who we are that's
26:55
not who they are but I'll tell you what
26:57
there are concerns economies have
26:59
shifted young people leave those communities
27:01
you see my community felt
27:04
thriving when I was there two grocery stores
27:06
couple bars downtown all that now it's empty
27:08
Main Street's hit that that vision of hillbilly
27:10
algae was true but he doesn't tell you
27:12
the story why and the bitterness the cultural
27:14
bitterness whatever that's just not true they're just
27:17
looking for what are things to rejuvenate us how do
27:19
we get back how do we make this I wouldn't
27:21
trade anything from where I grew up and grew up
27:24
with those kids I'm still friends with them and I
27:26
think about this a town
27:28
that small had services like that and had a
27:30
public school with a government teacher
27:32
that inspired me to be setting
27:34
where I'm at today those those are real
27:36
stories in small towns these guys they talk
27:38
about how evil the public schools are for
27:41
many of us public schools
27:43
were everything that was that was our
27:45
path that's the great American contribution you
27:48
say this not a cultural bitterness but
27:50
there is a cultural frustration with the
27:52
Democrats and one way you see it
27:54
is I mean you come from a
27:56
state with some of the most storied
27:58
liberals in American political history Paul Wellstone
28:00
was a very important influence for me at
28:02
a key moment. He was out in California,
28:04
stumbling for Bill Bradley. My
28:06
brother was working with Bill Bradley. I drove around with Paul
28:08
Wellstone for a whole day. He couldn't have been kinder to
28:10
me. I was a high school wrestler and he just wanted
28:12
to talk to him all day. It was
28:15
one of the things that got me into
28:17
politics, but Hubert Humphrey, others. But
28:19
if you look at the liberals of that Democratic party, their
28:22
coalition was built, that sort of
28:24
new post-New Deal Democrats, on
28:26
a coalition that was poor. Like if you looked
28:28
at where people who didn't go to college
28:30
voted, they voted for Democrats. Over the
28:33
past couple of decades, now Democrats win
28:35
college-educated voters nationally, lose non-college voters. Those
28:37
numbers are particularly stark among white voters.
28:40
What do you make of that? What has happened
28:42
in the sort of relationship between the party and
28:45
the voters who were once its base and now
28:47
feel, even if they would benefit from all the
28:49
policies you're talking about, left
28:51
behind by it and in many cases angry at
28:54
it? Paul Look, I represented Southern
28:56
Minnesota, which was from all across
28:58
Northern Iowa, South Dakota and the West, Wisconsin
29:01
on the east, farm country, most productive farm
29:03
country in the country. Not a lot
29:05
of Democrats over the years. I was the second one.
29:08
And to try and understand how that shift
29:10
has happened, and then the suburbs that were
29:12
solidly red, of course went the other way.
29:14
And I think some of it is the
29:16
alignment of economics. We've seen a migration to
29:19
tech jobs, healthcare jobs in the cities.
29:22
And then the cultural pieces. You have
29:24
firearms start to get into that. You
29:26
have long traditions that felt like they
29:28
were being crushed, but it was functionally
29:32
what was happening and how did these people see
29:34
themselves? And I think for us, one of the
29:36
things, us being, I don't know if I just
29:38
use Democrats, those of us that would like to
29:40
see policies that actually work and less of this,
29:42
what we're in right now, have got
29:44
to figure out and see if we're to some of the
29:47
blame that we haven't made the message clear enough. We haven't
29:49
delivered on those promises that people
29:52
wanted to see. ACA being
29:54
one of those does a lot of great things,
29:56
but people now have kind of forgotten that if
29:58
we take away ACA, you're back to preexisting. conditions.
30:00
And I don't know if we built that into people's
30:02
thinking right now. So when Donald Trump says he's going
30:04
to get rid of the ACA, all right, that sounds
30:06
good. I guarantee you those people at those rallies don't
30:08
want the ACA to go away. So
30:10
look, I don't know the answer Ezra, other than
30:12
the school teacher in me keeps thinking this. Look,
30:14
if I give a test and
30:17
90% of the kids fail, I
30:19
can guarantee you it's because the kids aren't smart.
30:21
There's something wrong with the test or the way
30:23
I'm teaching it. I'm not getting it to them.
30:25
So I keep coming back to this. If they're
30:27
not voting for us, there's not something wrong with
30:29
them. There's something that's not quite clicking of where
30:31
it's at. So don't assume they're just
30:33
not clever enough to understand what you're selling them. Yeah.
30:36
And I wonder because look, I'm a policy guy.
30:38
My background is as a policy reporter. Like the
30:40
way I want American politics to work is
30:42
one long policy argument where if my chart really
30:45
shows that it's going to help more people, I
30:47
win the argument. But I do think that people
30:50
don't vote on policies as much as policy wonks
30:52
would like to believe. That's one. That's right. But
30:54
the other is that we always think about whether
30:56
or not voters like politicians. But my
30:58
experience of voters is they're more
31:00
sensitive to whether they think politicians like
31:03
them. Yeah. And that sense of does
31:05
somebody see you and like you? Yeah.
31:08
That's a heuristic. I think voters use a lot.
31:10
Like if you feel that a politician would like
31:12
you, they're probably going to look out for you.
31:15
If you feel they would look past you, that they
31:17
will look down on you, they're probably not. How
31:20
do you explain Trump and that? You
31:22
think they feel that he sees them, knows them?
31:24
I do. I have. Look, I'm sure
31:26
you have Trump voters in your family. I have Trump voters in
31:28
my family. I do. And I
31:31
think a lot about how unappealing he is to me
31:33
and how appealing he is to people I love.
31:35
Yeah, me too. I spend a lot of time on that. It's what's
31:38
your theory of it? If
31:41
you had to, if you had to describe what
31:43
would make Trump appealing, right? If you had to sort of
31:45
empathically put yourself in that place, describe what it'd be like
31:47
to like Donald Trump. I do think
31:50
he's entertaining to some. I think, you know, that feels
31:52
that he may not the laughing like I want to
31:54
see. I think there is a
31:56
sense of space. If you're a little frustrated that that
31:58
he pokes the bear. on
32:00
other people. He's not afraid to poke the bear.
32:02
It feels like it's empowering. Good, somebody can do
32:04
that. It's not like these are small, petty people
32:06
want to make other people's lives miserable, but there's
32:08
a sense of these standing up to it. And
32:10
look, I think the world is complex. And
32:13
if you don't understand something, there's a tendency
32:15
that you might turn to the unexplainable, the
32:17
conspiracy theories that caught on in things. These
32:19
aren't stupid people. These are smart people. But
32:22
there's a frustration of why aren't things working?
32:24
Why are they so complex? So I don't
32:26
know. I mean, it's just, I'm just theorizing
32:28
on it. But look, that district that I
32:30
represented in 2016, I
32:32
snuck by with a win in there again. I won that district
32:34
six times. There had been one other Democrat since 1890, but
32:37
I won it in 2008 by 32 points. I
32:40
sneak by in 2016. He wins by 17 points
32:44
in that same district. They never see him. They
32:46
knew me. I coached their kids. I
32:48
was there. I delivered in Congress. I was
32:50
a ranking member on the VA committee. I
32:52
was just six, eight
32:54
years before, nearly 70% of
32:57
them voted for me. I didn't do
32:59
any scandal or do anything to lose
33:01
their support, but this guy came in.
33:03
And even though I was
33:05
of them or felt I was of them, that this
33:07
was me, I was truly their representative, they identified with
33:09
him. So I still try and I don't know, I'm
33:12
open for why this is. So
33:14
that meant though, there were Trump-Waltz voters for
33:17
you to win and for him to win that big. So when you talk
33:19
to them, what do they tell you? They like
33:21
me. They trusted me. They said, Tim, I think you're trying to
33:23
do it right. And they told me they
33:25
didn't like the status quo, which is an easy thing
33:27
to do. Like, yeah, we need to change that. Well,
33:30
if we change that, it's a problem. Sometimes it feels
33:32
to me like, this switch
33:34
has been up too long. I'm gonna turn it
33:36
down. Well, that switch keeps your house warm, or
33:38
whatever it might be. And you turn the switch just because
33:41
you wanted to turn the switch. And there was a little
33:43
of that, the same old thing and
33:45
maybe we hadn't delivered the way we had, but those people
33:47
stuck with me. They believed it, but
33:49
they just thought he offered something else. Now, it's
33:52
less and less of that. And it used to be a
33:54
lot of that, as you know, you understand it. A lot
33:57
of split ticket voting. And I ended up being one of
33:59
the last four. districts in 2016
34:01
that Trump won by 15 points or more and
34:04
the Democrat won. Three of them were in Minnesota.
34:06
One was in Pennsylvania,
34:09
not surprising swing states, traditional
34:12
blue states, now more in the red. So
34:15
I don't know what
34:17
it is. I just think my take is, is
34:19
that I think at the very end of this,
34:21
especially now, I think the Democrats way out of
34:23
this was with optimism and a sense
34:26
of grace towards folks. I want to be very
34:28
careful. Like I said, those folks, those rallies, you
34:31
insult them at great peril. Your neighbors
34:33
find the flag. You insult them at
34:35
great peril because you just said it.
34:37
They're my relatives. They truly are. And
34:40
I know them. I
34:42
think that idea of grace in politics is
34:44
interesting. How do you show that?
34:46
Right? I mean, one of the things that feels difficult
34:49
in politics, specifically since Donald
34:51
Trump rose is that,
34:54
and I wrote a whole book about political polarization. It's sort of
34:56
about this dynamic. Is it the more
34:58
different the other side becomes to you, the
35:00
more threatening they become to you, the
35:02
more you begin rationally to act like their enemy,
35:04
the fewer swing voters, there are right. I was
35:06
sort of say like the, the choice between a
35:09
donkey and a horse is less obvious than
35:11
between a horse and an elephant. The
35:14
more Trump and the Democrats
35:17
in reaction to some degree shifted politics
35:19
to a place it felt
35:21
to many people existential. And he does
35:23
this as a matter of strategy, right? You know,
35:26
degrading trust in elections. It's
35:29
all over the system. And then of course, you have
35:31
to then treat him as more of a threat because
35:33
he is actually more of a threat to the system.
35:35
Like once you start trying to overturn elections, you've moved
35:37
into a different place in what you represent in politics,
35:40
but then it feels to support even more against
35:42
them that, you know, and Joe Biden wanted to
35:44
run and turn the temperature down when he talked
35:46
about why he wanted to run again, as opposed
35:48
to just sort of being that one term bridge.
35:50
He sort of implied in this BT
35:52
interview, he, he said it's just more divided than
35:55
I had even imagined. I think
35:57
there is this hope, this fantasy of turning
35:59
the, temperature down. It doesn't feel likely
36:01
in this specific election. But you know, you've been
36:04
around politics a long time and you govern in
36:06
a place that is a winnable state for Republicans.
36:09
What does suggest that grace to people? What does suggest to
36:11
people that even if you may not agree with them, you
36:13
don't hate them? Yeah, I'll take
36:15
this true because this gets, I think, can end up
36:17
very dangerous. I think many of us know where it
36:20
goes. That Southern Minnesota district had 22 counties. There's 87
36:23
in Minnesota, 22 counties. I won them all. In
36:26
my first election, I don't know the exact number in 2018.
36:28
I think I maybe won 28 or 30 counties
36:30
out of the 87. And in the last one,
36:34
I think I won 11 or so. And I think
36:37
you understand the demographics, what happened there, it started to
36:39
collapse back to more urban areas and that you could
36:41
win with sheer volume. My one Minnesota
36:43
theme was on this is, is you might be able
36:45
to win that election, but it's very difficult to govern
36:47
if folks are out there. And I, what I won't
36:49
forgive Donald Trump for is, and we can't fall into
36:52
this because what you're saying is that disdain, contempt
36:54
or whatever. He did that.
36:57
He didn't make us just a Democrat with bad
36:59
ideas. He made me the enemy. And
37:01
once he did that, it became harder to come back.
37:03
And I don't want to be
37:06
overly dramatic, but it was, it's so stuck
37:08
with me. Elie Wiesel talked about if you're
37:10
going to commit some of these atrocities, you've
37:12
got to make somebody the other. You've got
37:14
to make the other. And that's the whole
37:17
thing and shrink their world and make it
37:19
so clear that they are the other. And
37:21
that's what scares me most about what's happened
37:23
here that we're not just Democrats who are,
37:25
have really horrible ideas about social safety nets
37:28
or whatever it might be. We
37:30
don't love this country. And in some cases we're,
37:32
you know, we don't share any of
37:35
their common values. He's been masterful at that because
37:37
that's the whole thing. I think
37:39
at heart, I'm a geographer, not an anthropologist.
37:41
We're very tribal by nature. I think it's still
37:44
much genetic that we will go back to those
37:46
who look like us and sound like us and
37:48
are part of this because otherwise you're competing for
37:50
my food source and we regress back, you know,
37:52
20,000 years and there
37:54
we are. And I think that fin veil
37:56
of society that some of these guys figured
37:58
that out, stripped. that away from
38:00
us. So I think that you cannot make some
38:02
of the other. You cannot, because then you get
38:04
into very close, you see some of this, it
38:07
becomes dehumanizing. You hear it in the language. And
38:09
once you've got another and a dehumanized, you can
38:11
do about every what you want. And of course,
38:13
the world sees that every single day. Let
38:15
me ask you about political geography. One
38:18
reason I think that you're lying on this in
38:20
the way you framed it, right? When in that
38:22
original Morning Joe interview, you sort of talk about
38:24
being from a town of 400, graduating a small
38:26
class, right? This isn't what we're like there. Like
38:29
these guys are weird. They're ruining Thanksgiving. I
38:32
think one reason a lot of Democrats thrilled
38:34
to that is that
38:36
they actually feel liberals, coastal
38:38
liberals, right? I'm a Californian liberal like
38:41
the other, right? There's been a lot of movement in politics
38:43
to make that true, right? When George W. Bush was winning
38:45
in 04, right? Democrats were losing
38:47
the heartland, right? You know, if you're
38:49
in California, you're not in the, you're not in the heartland.
38:52
There's a sense of party the Midwest as
38:54
that's where people are normal. Then they get
38:56
sort of weirder on the coast. They get
38:58
different in the South, real America. And you
39:01
come out, you know, you're a former army
39:03
guy, right? You're a former football coach. You
39:05
got this very, you got real good Midwestern
39:07
dad vibes, I think, to just be blunt about it. And
39:10
so you could kind of say this in a way that
39:12
I think a lot of Democrats would not feel they could.
39:14
And also in a way that they're like, Oh, right, maybe
39:17
we're not the weird ones. But I
39:19
always think this is a very unhealthy dimension of
39:21
our politics, a sense that they're sort of real
39:24
Americans here, not real Americans there, you know,
39:26
beyond the coast. Geographic
39:28
politics, you know, throughout history are
39:30
more combustible because that's always just
39:32
a tricky thing. I'm curious how
39:34
you, how you think about this,
39:36
both from the perspective of what it's allowed you
39:38
to say, maybe that would not have landed
39:40
coming from others. And
39:43
also just what you do about it,
39:45
because I don't think it's a situation that from what
39:47
you're saying a second ago, that you feel is very
39:49
healthy for the country either. No, and
39:52
then I think the Republicans would say I get
39:54
wound up and I used a word I probably
39:56
shouldn't have in a, you know, a little thing
39:58
last night because I'm angry. the president or
40:00
whatever, but if I cross that line, then what do I
40:02
get? I started hearing this in 2006 and
40:05
2008, where people in the cities don't know who we are. We're
40:07
real American. I
40:10
would kind of look and I'm like, what
40:12
are you talking about? And it was a
40:14
concerted effort. And I don't know, coordinated whoever
40:16
these thinkers were. At one time, that
40:19
was the famous thing that the Republicans hired
40:21
linguists and started to beat us on language
40:23
or whatever. I
40:25
never saw it that way. And now it's just something
40:27
like this. You can't go to Minneapolis. You
40:29
can't do this. Well, the fact of the matter is,
40:31
when you look at it, you have more population, you
40:33
have more of these things happening. And there was this
40:35
desire to just make these undesired places. They do it
40:37
to San Francisco and just to be candid. Which
40:40
is where I'm taping from right now. People
40:42
come here, they're like, I thought that was
40:44
going to be a hellscape. Last week was
40:47
my first time in San Francisco. And
40:49
stayed down there. I was doing some
40:51
meetings, woke up, did my
40:54
five mile run through the Presidio to
40:56
the Golden Gate, went back to my hotel,
40:58
was downtown and believing. And I'm like, that
41:00
is the most beautiful city I've ever been
41:02
in. And the temperature and I see the
41:05
Golden Gate or whatever. What they've done that
41:07
look, have there been problems? Yes. Homelessness is
41:09
an issue across the country. But to see
41:11
this, it
41:13
was exotic to me. I'd seen San Francisco on TV, hundreds
41:16
of times and heard about it. And there I
41:19
am driving around and I'm like a kid again.
41:21
I'm like, America is so awesome. San Francisco is
41:23
just the greatest. And that's the way
41:25
people would feel. Go out to the
41:28
boundary waters of Minnesota, go to northern Minnesota
41:30
and look where the mining has happened for
41:32
a hundred years. These were the beauty of
41:34
America and they've demonized these places. They've made
41:36
them feel that way. And when I say
41:38
they, I should maybe say us.
41:40
You know, people like, I could
41:42
give you a name, Oklahoma. And all of
41:45
a sudden you just assume that all of
41:47
Oklahoma is conservative or whatever. Beautiful places, beautiful
41:49
people, tapestry or whatever. My take
41:51
on this is, is that I think we can get
41:53
the politics back to that. I'm hopeful. But
41:56
as my wife says, that's not a plan of
41:58
trying to bring more engagement back. But
42:00
our politics now, especially in
42:02
the House of Representatives where I was
42:04
and gerrymandering, just
42:07
incentivizes the most ridiculous divisions possible. So I'm
42:09
not hopeful in the House of Representatives, but
42:11
I will tell you this, and this
42:13
is true. Governors
42:16
who have to govern even states that are red or blue
42:18
but have areas of each in them are
42:21
much more bipartisan and much
42:23
more collegial. And that for
42:25
me was a breath of fresh air. But
42:27
this is a place I do think where Democrats
42:30
have failed a bunch of the people that they
42:32
were hired to help, so to speak. Which
42:35
is, look, you can't be a firefighter who protects
42:37
San Francisco, as a friend of mine is, and
42:39
live in San Francisco. No way
42:41
or teacher. Yeah, no. A teacher,
42:43
Minneapolis, has gotten real issues
42:45
with high housing prices. There
42:47
is something here where it's a little bit more of an urban
42:50
problem and Democrats do better in urban areas. So there might just
42:52
be, it might not all be causation, but I mean, I'm writing
42:54
a book on this. I'm thinking about this.
42:57
There is a way in which Democrats
42:59
have become, they have
43:01
not made it easy to build in the places
43:03
where they govern. And
43:06
over time, then people look and they say,
43:08
oh, you got these huge homelessness problems. People
43:11
can't afford to live there. People are leaving California
43:13
for Texas. And you could say a lot about
43:15
Texas, but in Austin, in Houston,
43:17
you can build apartments. And that has
43:20
kept those places not perfectly affordable, but
43:22
dramatically more affordable than LA, then San
43:24
Francisco, then Boston. And
43:27
I know you've done a lot of work
43:29
on affordable housing, but I also find Democrats
43:31
typically want to do affordable housing through subsidizing
43:33
rent. In
43:35
Minneapolis, they got rid of single-family zoning. There
43:37
was a suit against it, in part by
43:39
environmental groups. How do you think about this
43:41
politics that's more of a state and local
43:43
politics about what you can build and
43:46
where and what makes things affordable? Yeah,
43:48
this is real. This is real. And
43:50
I think we're getting some compromises on this. There was
43:53
a bill that was opposed by a lot of the
43:55
suburban, the first-ring cities and things for this very reason.
43:57
And we got into this on a broader scale of things.
46:00
of what, look, it is completely true that
46:02
if you have a supply constraint housing market
46:04
and you have a lot of immigration that
46:06
can raise prices, but your problem is you're
46:08
not building enough houses, but it
46:10
did show, and he's given this riff at
46:12
other places before, it did
46:14
show the way when things are scarce, when
46:16
people feel there's not enough for them or for their
46:18
kids, they're gonna close up.
46:21
And I do think that's part of the
46:24
immigration politics we see. And then blame somebody, it's the
46:26
scapegoat thing or whatever. I try and go on this.
46:28
Look, I reject a lot of the false scarcity.
46:30
I'm not Pollyannish, there is a scarcity of
46:32
housing, but it's because of our
46:34
policies in some cases, the ability to get out
46:36
there. The false scarcity piece then has us all
46:39
fighting over the small piece of it. And the
46:41
Republicans do this very well, but they get folks
46:43
that could benefit from these programs advocating for tax
46:45
cuts for the wealthiest. We're still back at trickle
46:47
down economics with absolutely no proof that any of
46:50
it works, but you've got folks looking for it.
46:52
If we're not offering something that's the alternative that
46:54
actually works for them, theirs is
46:56
so much simpler to explain. If
46:59
we didn't have so many people here, if we didn't have
47:01
these immigrants here, not taking into consideration, where
47:03
do you think your protein sources are coming from,
47:05
from Austin, Minnesota? And this becomes a real issue
47:07
where we see communities are
47:10
dealing with this and this demonization,
47:12
especially around immigration. But
47:14
heart of the community is that
47:16
protein processing plant. They want
47:18
to build more affordable housing to have the workers
47:20
who were there who will then spend in the
47:22
community. And you get community members that don't want
47:24
to build that housing because they're afraid it'll track
47:26
the very workers that create the jobs that gets
47:28
the wealth for them. They might own a grocery
47:31
store, that's who's shopping there. It becomes this death
47:33
spiral of an argument around
47:36
immigration, which we've got to have border control.
47:38
You've got to know who's coming in. You've
47:40
got to modernize that. But we have to
47:42
have, especially a state like Minnesota, we're
47:44
aging, we're white. Same thing's
47:46
happening in Japan, it's happening in Finland, it's happening in
47:49
South Korea, that we're going to have to think about
47:51
what does that look like. So resentment
47:53
is a strong one, blame somebody else. They're
47:55
really good at this. But like you said
47:57
with Vance, what's he offering? What is
47:59
his... us
58:00
forward and what are you doing to show the respect? This
58:02
is tricky. These are hard things to talk about, but
58:05
we as a country are going to have to figure
58:07
this out not just for electoral wins, but
58:09
for long-term stability of our society and making
58:11
sure that folks truly can thrive. Tell
58:14
me how Democrats or maybe
58:16
specifically you show respect, right? We can talk
58:18
about policy, right? I think Democrats often want
58:20
to show they want to help. They
58:22
want to show what they're going to do. But how
58:24
do you show respect to people who don't
58:26
feel respected by you? Maybe when those people
58:28
are treating you with disrespect, particularly when your
58:30
side gets excited if you treat them with
58:32
disrespect. How do you build that
58:35
sense of respect in politics? Yeah,
58:37
I think it's making it clear. You have to be
58:39
present. I'd always go when I go into the black
58:41
churches and say, a couple things
58:43
you can always count on taxes, sun rising,
58:45
and white politicians over here to see you
58:48
guys at Ebenezer. First
58:51
of all, being there, being in community, and then making the
58:53
case that these communities don't need
58:55
a white savior. In many cases, they
58:57
need us to move the resources and let the community do
58:59
it themselves. Making sure that in appointments,
59:02
if you're going to appoint in your cabinets when
59:04
you get elected, the housing person usually put a
59:06
black person in there and then call it good.
59:08
No, they want to be in the revenue office.
59:10
They want to be in the education department. These
59:12
are things. You start to show the
59:15
respect that our society is based on this and
59:17
it's there, and you let the communities grow and
59:19
thrive and then figure out ways that in so many
59:21
of these cases, that barrier to generational
59:23
wealth that really moves the needle is the housing
59:25
one you're talking about. And that doesn't
59:27
mean just affordable housing that you don't own. It means
59:30
how do you get the homeownership and
59:32
then the movement of capital to entrepreneurial businesses.
59:35
Those are the things that we've not done a good enough job
59:37
in those communities. When we start to
59:39
see that in Minnesota, we start to move the needle. In
59:42
terms of a policy that people would feel in
59:44
their lives, that they would appreciate Democrats did
59:46
for them, forgetting who is president. If
59:48
a Democrat is president, if you were president in 2025, I
59:50
know you're not running for the top of
59:53
the ticket and there's a governing trifecta. What
59:55
do you think Democrats should pass first? What
59:58
would make the biggest difference for people?
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