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0:00
I'm Dan Kurtz-Feland and this
0:02
is the Foreign Affairs interview.
0:04
A year and a half from now we could
0:06
have a Latin America that
0:08
is significantly more aligned with
0:10
President Trump than it is
0:12
today. For decades, president after
0:14
president, it has been a trope
0:16
of foreign policy commentary in the
0:18
United States that Washington does not
0:20
pay enough attention to its own
0:23
hemisphere. But the Trump administration seems
0:25
to be bucking this trend, though
0:27
not exactly in the way those
0:29
complaining about neglect might have wanted.
0:31
Trump's campaign spent a lot of
0:33
time focusing on immigration and fentanyl
0:35
coming from Latin America, and in
0:37
the early months of his administration,
0:39
he's focused to a surprising degree,
0:41
not just on Mexico and Central
0:43
America, but also on the Panama Canal
0:46
and Canada in Greenland. There has even
0:48
been talk of America's sphere of influence
0:50
in the Western Hemisphere. Brian Winter, one
0:52
of the best chroniclers and analysts of
0:55
Latin America and the longtime editor of
0:57
America's quarterly, was one of the few
0:59
observers who anticipated this focus, as he
1:01
did in an essay for foreign affairs
1:04
a few weeks before the inauguration. As
1:06
Trump unleashes a whirlwind of confrontational
1:08
policies across the globe, his sweeping
1:11
tariffs just being the latest example,
1:13
Latin American leaders are developing their
1:15
own approach to this challenge. And
1:17
in winter's view, they may be
1:19
surprisingly well positioned. to weather the
1:22
storm better than their counterparts almost
1:24
anywhere else. I spoke with him
1:26
on Tuesday, April 8th, about how
1:28
leaders everywhere from Argentina and Brazil
1:31
to Mexico and Central America are
1:33
navigating this new reality, and also
1:35
on whether Latin America's long tradition
1:37
of strongman leadership has now come
1:40
to the United States. Before we
1:42
begin, I want to share some
1:44
good news about this podcast. As
1:46
of today, we will be releasing
1:48
new episodes of the Foreign Affairs
1:50
interview weekly rather than every other
1:52
week. Every Thursday, listen to our
1:54
latest conversation with a leading thinker
1:56
or policymaker wherever you get your
1:58
podcasts. Brian,
2:05
good to see you. Thank you for joining
2:07
me in this pretty astonishing moment for all
2:09
of us. It's been a wild ride. It
2:12
sure has. We ran dozens of pieces in
2:14
foreign affairs in the months ahead of the
2:16
election and in the transition, trying to anticipate
2:19
key dimensions of Trump's second term foreign policy.
2:21
But I really can't think of one that
2:23
has proved more oppression than the one you
2:25
wrote, which is all the more notable, because
2:28
I think it struck most readers as a
2:30
bit surprising and counterintuitive at the time. It
2:32
was called Latin America is about to become
2:35
a priority for US foreign policy. We will
2:37
of course get to that piece and why
2:39
you foresaw what you foresaw and what we've
2:41
seen since. But before we get sucked into
2:43
the Trump vortex, I want to step back
2:45
a bit and consider Latin America's trajectory on
2:48
a longer timeline. You've written a slew of
2:50
great essays for foreign affairs over the past
2:52
few years. in reading back through them last
2:54
night with great pleasure, I was struck by
2:56
an observation you made in a 2022 piece
2:58
about Lula's return to the presidency in Brazil.
3:01
The argument focused on the lack of kind
3:03
of new ideas and new vision in a
3:05
region that was struggling at the time,
3:07
as you put it. There was a
3:09
preference for nostalgia and shop-worn ideas instead
3:11
of fresh leadership and forward-looking policy. And
3:14
it was fundamentally about the kind of
3:16
disappointing trajectory of a region that 15
3:18
years ago seemed like it really was
3:20
entering a kind of confident new era
3:22
of growth on its own terms of
3:24
a commitment to democracy, of new geopolitical
3:27
relevance, of kind of new solutions to
3:29
all problems of inequality and violence. It
3:31
was really supposed to be Latin America's
3:33
moment and instead so much of the
3:35
region. obviously generalizing across a lot of
3:37
different countries, some of which buck this trend,
3:40
but much of the region certainly fell back
3:42
into stagnation and violence and social unrest and
3:44
political friction. As you look at that arc
3:46
of recent history, what did the hopes get
3:48
wrong, what happened, and where did that leave
3:51
the region before Trump's return if we kind
3:53
of step back about it? Well, Dan, I'm
3:55
happy to tell you that things have been
3:57
looking up at least a little bit lately.
3:59
has kicked into a slightly higher
4:02
gear of economic growth. It has
4:04
recovered more quickly than any of
4:06
us expected from the disruption of
4:09
the pandemic, remembering that Latin America
4:11
was hit particularly hard during those
4:13
years, not just in terms of
4:15
deaths per capita, but also in
4:18
terms of economic damage, only the
4:20
Eurozone shrank more in terms of
4:22
its economy during those years. And
4:25
Latin America has proved more resilient
4:27
than many people believed, and there
4:29
were specific reasons for this. I
4:31
mean, the region is a source
4:34
of the minerals and energy resources
4:36
that the world needs, key to
4:38
the climate transition, and so on.
4:40
So that said, the challenges are
4:42
still there, particularly when it comes
4:44
to organized crime, which is not
4:47
a new issue. when it comes
4:49
to Latin America, but it's one
4:51
that has gotten worse in many
4:53
ways over the last 10, 15
4:55
years, primarily because of an expansion
4:58
in the cocaine trade. The amount
5:00
of cocaine being produced in the
5:02
world has more than doubled in
5:04
the last 15 years according to
5:07
the United Nations. That has filled
5:09
the pockets of cartels. It has
5:11
allowed them to diversify and other
5:13
areas like illegal gold mining, extortion,
5:16
cargo theft, other things. That's one
5:18
reason, for example, why we're seeing
5:20
the rise of politicians like Naibulkele,
5:22
who are really dedicated to taking
5:25
on this problem head on. So,
5:27
you know, in some ways. The
5:29
region has made some progress, has shown
5:31
some resilience, but yeah, and others, big
5:33
challenges as well. I'm sure just a
5:35
linger on your point about cocaine. I'm
5:37
struck that I think most people would
5:40
assume fentanyl would be the bigger source
5:42
of instability and corruption because it's what
5:44
we focus on here. That's not in
5:46
fact the case when you look at
5:48
the region as a whole. Look fentanyl
5:50
is bad too, okay, but cocaine is
5:52
unparalleled as a revenue producer and part
5:54
of what has changed in the last
5:56
10-15 years is not just the sheer
5:59
volume that's being produced, but where
6:01
it's going. 25 years ago,
6:03
when I first started following the
6:05
region as a journalist, it was a
6:07
truism that most of the cocaine
6:09
flowed north to the United States and
6:11
to Europe. Today, Latin American countries
6:13
themselves have become a big consumer market.
6:15
We've seen a lot of growth
6:17
in Asia as well. And part of
6:19
the reason listeners to this podcast
6:21
may remember these terrifying images that came
6:23
out of a television station in
6:25
Ecuador last year, last January. And part
6:27
of the reason those were such
6:29
a shock was because Ecuador was one
6:31
of these countries in the region that
6:33
had never had these kinds of problems
6:35
before, at least not on that scale.
6:37
But because of the way these shipping
6:39
routes have changed, because of how the
6:42
map of demand has shifted, Ecuador is
6:44
now sadly the country in South America
6:46
with the highest homicide rate. And so,
6:48
you know, I know that sometimes to
6:50
outside people, it can seem like, oh,
6:52
this is just part of the kind
6:54
of the background in Latin America. This
6:56
is something that's always happening. But there
6:58
have actually been major changes over the
7:00
last 10, 15 years. So you mentioned President
7:02
Bukele of El Salvador. Since you wrote
7:04
that piece in 2022, two leaders who
7:06
do seem new in some sense, do
7:08
seem to have kind of in certain
7:10
ways new ideas about how to handle
7:12
problems in their countries have emerged on
7:14
the scene and become, you know, kind
7:17
of dominant in some ways in how
7:19
we look at the region. One of
7:21
those is Bukele in El Salvador, who
7:23
has a very hard line approach to
7:25
security, very much cheered on by the
7:27
Trump administration. And then also Javier Malay
7:29
in Argentina, who is, to put it
7:31
mildly, a very idiosyncratic libertarian whose aggressive
7:33
cost cutting has been
7:35
cheered on by Elon Musk
7:37
in the Doge crowd.
7:39
The chainsaw. Exactly. And also,
7:41
you know, rails against
7:43
gender ideology and woke ideology
7:46
and all of that.
7:48
I'm curious how you see
7:50
these two leaders, why
7:52
they rose to prominence and
7:54
whether they are reshaping
7:56
their region and its politics
7:58
again in the moment
8:00
leading up to Trump? Well,
8:02
in recent years, we've
8:05
seen an ascendant right wing
8:07
in Latin America, as
8:09
we have in so many
8:11
other... places, including Europe and indeed the United
8:13
States. And there's a temptation sometimes to look at
8:15
these countries as almost like local franchisees of the
8:17
Trump movement, of the MAGA movement. And I think
8:19
that there are some areas where, for example, Javier
8:22
Mille thinks very differently about tariffs than Donald Trump
8:24
does. But there are a lot of things that
8:26
unite, not just Mille and Buchale, who you mentioned,
8:28
but leaders like Rodrigo Chavez in Costa Rica, like
8:30
Santiago Peña in Paraguay. There's a
8:33
broad and growing conservative movement in
8:35
Latin America that wants to take
8:37
a tough line on security, reflecting
8:40
general populations that are just
8:42
fed up with living in
8:44
fear that have seen what
8:46
has happened in El Salvador,
8:48
which in some ways is
8:51
problematic when it comes to
8:53
what it means for independent
8:55
institutions and things like due
8:57
process. But lots of people
8:59
in Latin America see the
9:02
results. which is in El Salvador
9:04
that has been completely transformed with
9:06
a homicide rate that is down
9:08
more than 80% and by some
9:10
measures, is now the safest country
9:13
in the entire Western Hemisphere in
9:15
terms of at least the homicide
9:17
rate. And so I think people
9:19
are grasping at that kind of
9:21
solution, even when in many cases
9:24
they don't want a carbon copy,
9:26
they don't want the exact same
9:28
thing for themselves. There's also in
9:30
some countries a real passion for
9:32
this idea of a smaller state. Latin
9:35
America is a big and diverse region
9:37
as you know Dan more than 20
9:39
countries. Some countries have quite large states
9:42
like Argentina. like Brazil in terms of
9:44
how much they collect in terms of
9:46
their GDP, whereas other countries have kind
9:49
of smaller states like Mexico. And so
9:51
maybe a doge for Mexico is not
9:53
a great idea. Maybe they need to
9:56
go in the other direction. But I
9:58
think that these ideas of becoming
10:00
more efficient, of having less taxes,
10:02
appeal in Latin America in part
10:04
because it's also a region where
10:06
the gig economy, the independent worker,
10:09
has gained a lot of cultural
10:11
currency over the last couple years.
10:13
It's changed so much from when
10:15
I first started following the region,
10:17
when labor unions were sort of
10:19
the core of those societies. Today...
10:21
The unions don't resonate as much.
10:23
People want to be able to
10:25
drive an Uber to start their
10:28
own business. And that's another reason
10:30
why these right wing messages have
10:32
really caught on in unexpected ways.
10:34
The other. global dynamic that seemed
10:36
to present a huge opportunity to
10:38
the region, again going back before
10:40
the last couple weeks, was there's
10:42
kind of shift in supply chains
10:45
in what is often called friendshoring.
10:47
This desire to bring supply chains
10:49
closer to home, to T-risk away
10:51
from China, all of that seemed
10:53
to present an opportunity economically, especially
10:55
to Mexico and Central America, but
10:57
also to other parts of the
10:59
region. Did you see ways in
11:02
which that opportunity was being taken
11:04
advantage of by economies? Was that
11:06
a kind of positive dynamic economically?
11:08
And again, the years before these
11:10
tariffs that we've seen in the
11:12
last week? Yeah, so look, this
11:14
whole question of global supply chains
11:16
is kind of shifting under our
11:18
ground as we record this, right?
11:21
Who knows what it'll be like
11:23
tomorrow? I will say that with
11:25
this quote unquote liberation day, the
11:27
tariffs that Donald Trump announced. were
11:29
on balance not as bad for
11:31
most Latin American countries as people
11:33
had expected. I mean, let's be
11:35
clear, there are concerns all over
11:38
the region about the possibility of
11:40
a global recession, big disruptions because
11:42
of what President Trump announced. But
11:44
actually, most big Latin American countries
11:46
ended up with the minimum 10%
11:48
tariff. It was funny, I thought,
11:50
when I first saw the numbers,
11:52
I thought, well, this reflects that
11:55
we've got people in the White
11:57
House who understand that these Latin
11:59
American nations are worthy partners, especially
12:01
if you want to reduce your
12:03
dependence on China. believe that you
12:05
still need lower cost labor to
12:07
be part of your supply chain.
12:09
It turns out that that was
12:11
not kind of how this formula
12:14
was invented. We now know that
12:16
the reason that many Latin American
12:18
nations or most Latin American nations
12:20
ended up with the minimum tariff
12:22
is because most of them, with
12:24
the exception of Mexico, the United
12:26
States has a trade surplus with
12:28
these countries. So that's why. But
12:31
in practice, if you're building up
12:33
big tariff walls around... not only
12:35
China, but countries like Vietnam, Thailand,
12:37
and Cambodia, and you have smaller
12:39
tariffs for Colombia, Guatemala, El Salvador,
12:41
the Dominican Republic, that's an opportunity
12:43
for the countries of the Americas.
12:45
That's an opportunity for nearshoring, and
12:48
it's one that people have been
12:50
talking about for years. I know
12:52
it's one that people in the
12:54
Trump administration also see, you know,
12:56
some utility in, and so we'll
12:58
see whether it comes to fruition
13:00
or not. And Mexico despite its
13:02
trade deficit was exempted from that
13:04
round of tariffs. It had obviously
13:07
been hit before, but there were
13:09
not new tariffs left on last
13:11
week. That's right. And you know,
13:13
the Mexicans were also breathing a
13:15
sigh of relief. It's been widely
13:17
commented that Mexico's President Claudia Shanebaum
13:19
has put on a master class
13:21
in how to negotiate with President
13:24
Trump in a way that is
13:26
both respectful, that attends to the
13:28
needs of the United States when
13:30
it comes to controlling illegal immigration
13:32
and controlling fentanyl, but also firm.
13:34
folded in the way that some
13:36
other leaders around the world have.
13:38
And so at least so far
13:41
as we record this, Mexico has
13:43
not faced the disaster that some
13:45
people feared it would. So we've
13:47
already been sucked into the Trump
13:49
vortex. This might be the best
13:51
effort. So let's give in to
13:53
it. And let's turn to the
13:55
piece he wrote a little bit
13:57
before he was inaugurated for his
14:00
second term. You, of course, noted
14:02
that Latin Americans had complained for
14:04
decades about American neglect. And every
14:06
single presidential administration has essentially been
14:08
charged with not paying enough attention
14:10
to the. I think you even
14:12
dug up a foreign affairs essay
14:14
from 1973 that was lodging that
14:17
complaint, and it's been true since.
14:19
Most people in the foreign policy
14:21
world were fixated on what Trump's
14:23
policy toward China or Ukraine or
14:25
the Middle East might turn out
14:27
to be. You recognized what many
14:29
of us missed, that Latin America
14:31
would turn out to be really
14:34
one of his central priorities, something
14:36
that he would talk about. more
14:38
than many of those other kind
14:40
of headline-grabbing geographies in his early
14:42
days, whether it was the Panama
14:44
Canal or Mexico, also other Western
14:46
Hemisphere countries like Canada and Greenland.
14:48
What were you seeing that most
14:50
of us missed in that run
14:53
up to the inauguration? Well, I
14:55
think, look, I think that President
14:57
Trump was elected for several reasons,
14:59
among them to reduce inflation, but
15:01
also to reduce illegal immigration. and
15:03
reduce the flow of drugs in
15:05
the United States, and particularly on
15:07
those second and third priorities, Latin
15:10
America is absolutely key. And he
15:12
then began staffing his administration with
15:14
people who know Latin America exceptionally
15:16
well. There's the case of Marco
15:18
Rubio, with whom most people are
15:20
familiar. He is the son of
15:22
Cuban immigrants. He speaks perfect Spanish.
15:24
He's also done the work. He's
15:27
traveled the region. He knows who
15:29
the leaders are. He's, as I
15:31
wrote in that foreign affairs piece,
15:33
he's probably the best connected official
15:35
on Latin America at such a
15:37
high level since Nelson Rockefeller in
15:39
the 1970s when he was Gerald
15:41
Ford's vice president. But it's not
15:43
just Marco Rubio. Secretary Rubio's number
15:46
two at the State Department is
15:48
Christopher Landau. who was Donald Trump's
15:50
ambassador to Mexico during his first
15:52
term is the son of a
15:54
long-time, widely admired U.S. diplomat, went
15:56
to high school in Asuncion Paraguay
15:58
and speaks Spanish that I openly
16:00
envy as someone who did not
16:03
grow up in the region. You
16:05
also have people across the government
16:07
who come from South... with all
16:09
of the day-to-day exposure to Latin
16:11
America and Latin American policy priorities
16:13
that that implies. So this is
16:15
an administration that knows Latin America,
16:17
that sees it as a priority
16:19
not just in foreign policy, but
16:22
in domestic policy. That said, Dan,
16:24
I mean, none of us have
16:26
a crystal ball. I think it's
16:28
still sitting here really not clear.
16:30
whether Mexico and other countries will
16:32
over time be treated more as
16:34
partners, as allies, or as problems.
16:36
And I think that reflects some
16:39
ideological splits within the administration itself.
16:41
And so I'm watching just as
16:43
carefully as everybody else trying to
16:45
figure out where this goes from
16:47
here. much of the debate tends
16:49
to focus on policy in the
16:51
US and deportations and asylum and
16:53
temporary protected status and all of
16:56
the political and social effects of
16:58
those policy moves here. As you
17:00
look at the region, though, what
17:02
was driving the levels of migration
17:04
that we'd seen in the last
17:06
few years? That could be such
17:08
a political liability for the Biden
17:10
administration. Well, I've already spoken at
17:12
some length about the growth in
17:15
organized crime, but there is also
17:17
some specific countries in at the
17:19
top of the list as Venezuela.
17:21
I mean, we've seen an exodus
17:23
of more than 8 million people
17:25
from Venezuela over the last decade.
17:27
It's one of the biggest exodus
17:29
of people anywhere in the world
17:32
since World War II. Most of
17:34
them have gone elsewhere in South
17:36
America, but hundreds of thousands came
17:38
here to the United States. That
17:40
said, it's not just Venezuela. Cuba
17:42
has also hemorrhaged people over the
17:44
last five years. This is another
17:46
issue where people kind of can
17:49
almost tune out and think, oh
17:51
yeah, there have always been problems
17:53
in Cuba. Well, consider that about...
17:55
An estimated 20% of the Cuban
17:57
population is left in the last
17:59
five years. That's an extraordinary figure.
18:01
We've seen similar... dynamic from Haiti,
18:03
similar dynamic from some of the
18:05
Central American countries. And you know,
18:08
people migrate for reasons that are
18:10
sometimes complex. Sometimes it's not just
18:12
conditions on the ground, but just
18:14
the hope of a better life,
18:16
the fact that they already have
18:18
family members in the United States.
18:20
perhaps over the last 40 years
18:22
or so of high migration levels.
18:25
We've established a kind of critical
18:27
mass where everybody in certain countries,
18:29
everybody has a cousin or a
18:31
family member or an aunt in
18:33
the US, and they hear about
18:35
how good it is. That era
18:37
now seems to have drawn to
18:39
a close. And the implications for
18:42
Latin America are huge, not only
18:44
in terms of what it means
18:46
for remittances, but potentially in terms
18:48
of people coming back, because they
18:50
either can't get in. through the
18:52
southwest border anymore, or because they're
18:54
facing pressure to deport. I have
18:56
many friends who are part of
18:58
the Latin American community here in
19:01
New York City, and I have
19:03
heard many cases of people in
19:05
the last weeks and months deciding
19:07
to just leave. And this includes
19:09
people who are part of the
19:11
working class, and it also includes
19:13
people who are part of the
19:15
professional class, different dynamics in both
19:18
cases, but I think we're just
19:20
starting to understand what the implications
19:22
of that for the region will
19:24
be as well. On its own
19:26
terms, Trump's immigration policy does seem
19:28
to be working. We can argue
19:30
whether it has the right objectives
19:32
and whether the tradeoffs are worth
19:35
it, but it does seem to
19:37
be... stopping the flows of the
19:39
Southwestern border and leading to this
19:41
exodus, which you and I would
19:43
probably see as a bad thing
19:45
for United States competitiveness and vitality,
19:47
but Trump obviously say it differently.
19:49
As you see the region trying
19:51
to respond initially to both the
19:54
pressures of people returning and also
19:56
the moves that Trump has made
19:58
to put pressure on them, how
20:00
do you assess the different responses
20:02
in this policy area specifically? Well,
20:04
I think there's been concern from
20:06
a lot of leaders around Latin
20:08
America that the deportations or the
20:11
return of people happens in a
20:13
dignified and humane... main way. And
20:15
we saw this huge episode back
20:17
in January when Columbia's President Gustavo
20:19
Petro ordered the halt of a
20:21
plane that was mid-flight, a deportation
20:23
flight that was bound for Columbia,
20:25
based apparently on conditions reports that
20:28
he had seen about how resilient
20:30
deportees were actually put on a
20:32
military plane, not allowed access to
20:34
the bathroom, and so on. And
20:36
that appears to have been the
20:38
trigger that prompted President Petro to
20:40
order that plane. to turn around.
20:42
This unleashed a huge short-lived crisis
20:44
in which President Trump essentially threatened
20:47
Colombia with everything under the sun,
20:49
including financial sanctions that would have
20:51
ground the Colombian economy to a
20:53
halt. President Petrow and his government
20:55
immediately backed down, due in part
20:57
to an effort by the Colombian
20:59
business community as well as all
21:01
parts of the Colombian political spectrum,
21:04
to find a way out. And
21:06
I mentioned this because it was
21:08
important not just for Colombia, but
21:10
for countries all over Latin America
21:12
and perhaps the world. They saw
21:14
that this was an issue on
21:16
which President Trump would not be
21:18
deterred. And you know, you look
21:21
at the polling in the United
21:23
States on approval of President Trump's
21:25
different policies. And in his management
21:27
of the economy, for example, even
21:29
before all these tariffs, you had
21:31
more people disapproving than approving. But
21:33
on President Trump's handling of migration,
21:35
this is where he gets some
21:37
of his best marks from the
21:40
U.S. public. Point being, he seems
21:42
to have a lot of domestic
21:44
support. for this. And I think
21:46
that as a result of that
21:48
episode and their reading of the
21:50
kind of the political tea leaves,
21:52
I think you have Latin American
21:54
governments on left, center and right,
21:57
pro-U.S, anti-U.S, all now doing their
21:59
level best to accommodate the United
22:01
States when it comes to this
22:03
issue of migration. That includes the
22:05
Mexican government in terms of how
22:07
they have deployed. 10,000 troops, extra
22:09
troops of their National Guard to
22:11
the border to try to control
22:14
the movement of people from Central
22:16
America and elsewhere. But really countries
22:18
all over the region have determined
22:20
that they're going to not stand
22:22
in the way, because nobody wants
22:24
to be behind the eight ball
22:26
in the same way that President
22:28
Petrow briefly was. The other thing
22:30
that seemed quite surprising early on
22:33
the administration was the focus on
22:35
the Panama Canal. Did that surprise
22:37
you as it did the rest
22:39
of us? And what did you
22:41
see driving both the Trump obsession
22:43
with it and the Panamanian response?
22:45
Yeah, I mean, it's funny. I
22:47
spoke to so many people, Dan,
22:50
for that article that I wrote
22:52
for foreign affairs, including people who
22:54
had been part of the first
22:56
Trump administration, trying to figure out
22:58
what to anticipate for policy toward
23:00
Latin America. The phrase Panama Canal
23:02
never came up. And look, I
23:04
think that this different perhaps from
23:07
tariffs and migration, this new expansionism
23:09
that President Trump outlined in his
23:11
inaugural address, was not really part
23:13
of his campaign, or if it
23:15
was, I certainly missed it. And
23:17
so you've seen surprise from the
23:19
Danes, from the Canadians. and certainly
23:21
from the Panamanians. I, through coincidence,
23:23
I was actually in Panama the
23:26
day after President Trump's inaugural address
23:28
when he said explicitly that he
23:30
wanted to take the canal back.
23:32
And honestly, the reaction that most
23:34
people had was just confusion. Because
23:36
this was a case where their
23:38
president, President Molino, is a strong
23:40
ally of the United States. This
23:43
is a right-wing. figure who had
23:45
previously been foreign minister and who
23:47
saw himself as a fellow traveler
23:49
who took office even before Trump
23:51
was elected, vowing to crack down
23:53
on migration bound for the United
23:55
States through the Darien Gap, which
23:57
is in Panama. So, you know,
23:59
this is one example. where people
24:02
in the region have been caught
24:04
off guard. And even today as
24:06
we record this, President Trump continues
24:08
to say that he wants the
24:10
canal back. And the reaction that
24:12
you hear from people in Panama
24:14
as well as elsewhere around the
24:16
region is just disbelief. They say,
24:19
we don't quite understand what this
24:21
is about. We'll be back after
24:23
a short break. Did
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24:27
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24:53
today. As you look
24:55
at, again, with apologies for kind
24:57
of generalizing across a complicated and
24:59
large region, as you look at
25:01
the kind of different sets of
25:03
responses, how do you make sense
25:05
of kind of the different options
25:07
that leaders are choosing the kind
25:10
of different camps when it comes
25:12
to a relationship with Trump? Yeah,
25:14
I have broken these countries down
25:16
into three main groups. The first
25:18
one is fellow travelers. As I
25:20
explained, President Trump has many leaders
25:22
in the region who are fully
25:24
on board with what he's doing
25:26
who see him as a partner
25:28
on issues like security, but also
25:30
just as a part of a
25:32
fraternity that they also want to
25:34
be a part of. This group
25:36
includes President Mille and Argentina, President
25:38
Gule, and El Salvador, but also
25:40
leaders like the Bolsonaro family in
25:42
Brazil, figures on the Colombian right,
25:44
on the Chilean right. This group
25:46
is probably bigger than most people
25:48
outside Latin America expect it to
25:50
be. They think, well, you know,
25:52
they think back to 2015 when
25:54
President Trump began his campaign talking
25:56
about you know how Mexico is
25:58
not sending its best people and
26:00
perhaps it's hard for them to
26:02
believe that Trump would have so
26:04
much political support in Latin America
26:06
but he really does and you
26:08
know for these leaders they might
26:10
not be happy about the tariffs
26:12
but they see power not just
26:14
in terms of who the export
26:16
to but how many likes they
26:18
get on social media how much
26:20
engagement they get and this is
26:23
where a photo with Trump or
26:25
a video with Trump can just
26:27
turbocharge them. And I would add
26:29
for this first group that the
26:31
upcoming electoral calendar in Latin America
26:33
favors this group. If we look
26:35
at Daniel Noboa, who's currently the
26:37
president of Ecuador, may lose his
26:39
upcoming election, it's not clear. But
26:41
if you look at the elections
26:43
in Chile later this year, the
26:45
right is strongly favored. You look
26:47
into 2026 at Columbia and Brazil.
26:49
It's easy to imagine. conservative Trump
26:51
aligned leaders winning in both those
26:53
cases. So a year and a
26:55
half from now we could have
26:57
a Latin America that is significantly
26:59
more aligned with President Trump than
27:01
it is today. The second group
27:03
is the silent skeptics. These are
27:05
leaders like Lula in Brazil, Gabriel
27:07
Borich in Chile, President Petro, who
27:09
I mentioned in Colombia, who, you
27:11
know, have Let's say existential doubts
27:13
about what President Trump is doing,
27:15
but note the word silent. Because
27:17
of this episode with President Petro
27:19
that happened back in January, everyone
27:21
is doing their level best to
27:23
stay off President Trump's radar. These
27:25
are leaders that in many cases
27:27
are trying to diversify. their foreign
27:29
relationships when it comes to investment
27:31
in trade. I would note that
27:33
President Lula was just on an
27:36
Asia trip where he went to
27:38
Vietnam and Japan. But I would
27:40
also note that on that trip
27:42
he did not visit China as
27:44
he might have done if he
27:46
was trying to really send a
27:48
message or provoke the United States.
27:50
And I believe that it's possible
27:52
at least that China was left.
27:54
off that agenda because again Brazil
27:56
does not want to appear too
27:58
prominently on the U.S. radar. Other
28:00
leaders have done this too. President
28:02
Boreditch of Chile was just in
28:04
India, for example. And the Mercosur,
28:06
which is the South American trade
28:08
block, is advancing once again on
28:10
its long-delayed trade agreement with the
28:12
European Union, which many of us
28:14
thought was dead in the water,
28:16
but now with everything that's been
28:18
happening on the tariff front suddenly
28:20
looks a lot more attractive to
28:22
people on both sides, to the
28:24
Europeans and to the South Americans.
28:26
And then the third group Dan
28:28
is kind of a worried middle.
28:30
in Latin America as also where
28:32
in the world this middle is
28:34
not the dominant group, it's smaller
28:36
than it used to be, but
28:38
these are center left, center right
28:40
leaders who they're on board with
28:42
some of the things that President
28:44
Trump is doing, but concerned about
28:47
the impact on their economies and
28:49
so on. But it sounds like
28:51
everyone has learned from the Petro
28:53
episode early in the administration that
28:55
you, there's no benefit, there's no
28:57
way to kind of stick your
28:59
neck out and challenge Trump. Yeah,
29:01
nobody wants to directly confront this
29:03
government right now. And, you know,
29:05
it's hard to blame them. So
29:07
a group you didn't mention is
29:09
the kind of rogue actors in
29:11
terms of U.S. foreign policy at
29:13
least. Marker Rubio is someone you
29:15
would expect to be spending a
29:17
lot of time on Venezuela and
29:19
Cuba and Nicaragua. That has not
29:21
been a particularly prominent part of
29:23
US policy thus far. Do you
29:25
see a strategy emerging? Is there
29:27
anything you kind of can discern
29:29
in what we've seen thus far
29:31
when it comes to how the
29:33
administration will treat those cases? I
29:35
wrote in the foreign affairs piece
29:37
back in December, Dan, that Venezuela
29:39
policy was a bit of a
29:41
mystery. That still seems to be
29:43
the case. All the contours are
29:45
taking shape. Look, Venezuela is a
29:47
humanitarian tragedy. It's also a very
29:49
difficult policy problem. We have seen
29:51
just in the last eight years,
29:53
we've seen US policy go from
29:55
maximum pressure to some kind of
29:57
negotiations, and now maybe we're headed
30:00
back to maximum pressure again. But
30:02
I think, you know, despite the
30:04
best, I think good faith efforts
30:06
of people. in both the first
30:08
Trump administration and the Biden administration,
30:10
the Maduro dictatorship is still in
30:12
power, even after the election last
30:14
July, even after the Maduro regime
30:16
stole that election, denied the result
30:18
that, you know, later filtered out
30:20
to the world. You know, no
30:22
government is a monolith. The Trump
30:24
government is no exception. I think
30:26
you have different groups within the
30:28
Trump administration who want different things.
30:30
There is a group that believes
30:32
that Venezuela, this is a dictatorship
30:34
that needs to be toppled and
30:36
favor things like sanctions to accomplish
30:38
that goal. But then you have
30:40
another group that believes that actually
30:42
the top priority is immigration. And
30:44
if you pass new sanctions on
30:46
Venezuela, all that will do in
30:48
their view is lead to another
30:50
exodus of people, many of whom
30:52
will inevitably show up at the
30:54
U.S. southwest border. And so I
30:56
think what we're seeing, at least
30:58
from the outside in, is an
31:00
administration that's trying to figure out
31:02
how they reconcile those different priorities.
31:04
Let's linger on China for a
31:06
moment. I was fascinated by the
31:08
point you made about leaders going
31:10
to Asia and skipping China, which
31:13
a few years ago, I imagine,
31:15
would have been a kind of
31:17
automatic stop for them. You wrote
31:19
a piece in foreign affairs a
31:21
few years ago at a time
31:23
when the Biden administration was at
31:25
least attempting to put in place
31:27
a relatively accommodating policy toward the
31:29
region where you wrote, and I'm
31:31
quoting you here. There's one emerging
31:33
consensus on which many Latin American
31:35
politicians on both the left and
31:37
the right surprisingly agree in the
31:39
escalating global confrontation between China and
31:41
the United States. Their countries should
31:43
pursue a truly independent or non-aligned
31:45
path. There must be debates in
31:47
regional capitals right now about whether
31:49
it's time to move from non-aligned
31:51
to leaning toward Beijing, but at
31:53
the same time. That's something that
31:55
would likely attract attention that would
31:57
not be particularly helpful to them
31:59
from Washington. How do you see
32:01
those debates playing out? Do you
32:03
see the Chinese role shifting in
32:05
the face of changing US policy?
32:07
Dan, I speak to leaders all
32:09
over the region on left. center
32:11
and right, and all of us
32:13
have favorite questions that we ask
32:15
people, and I tend to ask
32:17
the question, what keeps you up
32:19
at night? And in recent years,
32:21
the almost unanimous answer to that
32:23
question was having to choose between
32:26
Washington and Beijing, having to choose
32:28
between China, which has become the
32:30
number one or number two trading
32:32
partner for virtually every country in
32:34
the region with the exception of
32:36
Mexico, or the United States, which
32:38
remains the biggest investor. in Latin
32:40
America and of course a country
32:42
that is very connected in family,
32:44
cultural ties and elsewhere. Sitting here
32:46
today, two months into the Trump
32:48
administration, I think that debate is
32:50
still happening. I think people sense
32:52
that it's shifting under their feet,
32:54
that a moment where they might
32:56
have to make that decision or
32:58
make more of a commitment to
33:00
one side or another might be
33:02
coming. Maybe we're not quite there
33:04
yet. There have been some analysts
33:06
who have argued that President Trump's
33:08
actions so far maybe driving countries
33:10
more into the arms of China.
33:12
I question that. I don't underestimate
33:14
the importance that China has gained
33:16
in terms of trade and investment
33:18
over the last... 20, 25 years.
33:20
I mean, it's astounding. But it's
33:22
also true that Chinese foreign direct
33:24
investment has been dropping globally over
33:26
the last couple years. And this
33:28
perhaps reflects things that are happening
33:30
within China itself, rather than conditions
33:32
on the ground in Latin America
33:34
or anywhere else. And I also
33:36
hear from the private sector all
33:39
over Latin America that they really
33:41
want to maintain ties with the
33:43
United States. They're not ready to
33:45
go all in on China. Now,
33:47
when I think about the risks
33:49
from President Trump's approach right now,
33:51
I actually, Dan, I think more
33:53
of Canada. I think of how
33:55
President Trump's actions and words have
33:57
taken a country that was perhaps
33:59
among the strongest U.S. allies in
34:01
trading. partners and have completely turned
34:03
upside down the Canadian election.
34:05
And I look at Latin America
34:07
with all the history of U.S.
34:10
interventionism going back more than a
34:12
century. Some of that muscle memory
34:14
is there. And I wonder if
34:17
perhaps the big risk is not
34:19
necessarily pushing countries into the arms
34:21
of China, but in really turning
34:24
domestic politics in some of these
34:26
countries upside down, like in the
34:28
Brazilian election next year, if the
34:31
Trump administration tries to put its
34:33
finger on the scale, that could
34:35
produce an unexpected reaction. There
34:37
are so many specific countries and leaders that
34:40
we could spend another hour talking about, but
34:42
I want to focus on a couple that
34:44
you've done some outstanding reporting on in places
34:46
where you've lived over the last couple of
34:48
decades. The first of those is Brazil, which
34:50
you just mentioned. It seems like it should
34:53
be a pretty good moment for Brazil in
34:55
some ways. The economy is not doing so
34:57
badly. The kind of geopolitical shifts seem like
34:59
they should be. relatively advantageous for Brazilian foreign
35:01
policy at least under Lula and yet Lula
35:03
himself is is struggling and seems like he's
35:06
likely not to see a successor that he
35:08
would approve of anything a kind of bull
35:10
scenario like movement may may return. What is
35:12
accounting for Lula's struggles and is it not
35:15
inevitable? Is it likely that you will see
35:17
someone more like bull scenario return? Is the
35:19
point you alluded to earlier? Yeah, so polls
35:21
show Lula's approval rating is down about 12
35:23
percentage points just this year. which puts him
35:26
somewhere in the upper 30s or
35:28
the low 40s, which in the
35:30
scheme of things globally, those aren't
35:32
terrible numbers. And it reflects the
35:34
fact that overall, you know, Brazil's
35:36
doing okay. It's an economy that
35:38
has outperformed expectations in recent years.
35:40
It's grown more than 3%. This
35:43
year, it will probably grow closer
35:45
to 1.5 or 2, but those
35:47
aren't terrible numbers. But food inflation
35:49
is up. People are feeling nervous
35:52
about their standard of living.
35:54
and a lot of Brazilian
35:56
see a leader who is
35:59
aging and. somewhat out of
36:01
touch with what's happening in the country.
36:03
Stop me if you've seen this movie
36:05
before. You know, there are parallels here
36:08
with what happened in the United States
36:10
and with President Biden. And you know,
36:12
Lula is coming up on 80 years
36:15
old. And so there's a dynamic there.
36:17
It's also true that Brazilian society, like
36:19
a lot of others, it's becoming more
36:22
conservative. This is a country that in
36:24
the span of a generation has gone
36:26
from 7% of its population was evangelical
36:28
Christian back in the 1980s. That number
36:31
is 35% today. That is a massive
36:33
social change in a relatively
36:35
short period of time. And
36:37
Brazil's National Statistics Institute believes
36:40
that the evangelicals could actually
36:42
be a majority within a
36:44
decade. And so the politics
36:46
reflect that. That is one of
36:48
the factors that explains the election
36:50
of Jair Bolsonaro back in 2018,
36:52
and it's one reason why a
36:54
conservative could win in the election
36:57
in 2026. Now, it's unclear whether
36:59
Lula will run for office again,
37:01
but if he does, he will
37:03
face a strong challenge from the
37:05
Brazilian right. You also mentioned Claudia
37:07
Shinbaum earlier as an example of a
37:09
leader who seems to have figured out
37:11
how to address Trump. She's also making
37:13
a pretty striking effort to address some
37:15
of the kind of persistent challenges in
37:18
Mexico, both on the economic front and
37:20
on the security front. How do you
37:22
assess the progress in those areas, kind
37:24
of leaving aside the the Trump dynamic,
37:26
though that's of course very, very dominant
37:28
in each of those. Polls and Mexico
37:30
show that this is one of several
37:32
Latin American countries that places security is
37:34
the top challenge. predecessor Andres
37:37
Manuel Lopez Obrodor was very popular,
37:39
had approval in the 60s or
37:41
70s at various points of his
37:44
administration, made a lot of progress
37:46
on things like social programs, on
37:48
helping pensioners and the working class,
37:50
did not have an effective policy
37:53
when it came to security. Famously
37:55
called his program, Abrasos Nobalasos, which
37:57
meant hugs, not bullets, believed... that
38:00
essentially that confronting the cartels only
38:02
caused more violence, only made things
38:04
worse, that approach over his six
38:06
years in government did not produce
38:09
the intended result. It was always
38:11
somewhat clear that President Shane Baum,
38:13
who has always been aligned with
38:15
former President Lopez Obredor, was seen
38:17
by Mexican voters as a protege.
38:20
It was clear that she had
38:22
different ideas when it came to
38:24
security, that she favored a tougher
38:26
approach. She was always likely to
38:29
come in and do things differently.
38:31
Some people believe that because
38:33
of the pressure from President
38:35
Trump. that this has given her
38:37
the opportunity, perhaps the political cover,
38:40
to take an even tougher approach
38:42
on public security. And so far,
38:45
this is one reason why she
38:47
is even more popular than Lopez
38:49
Oberdor, with an approval rating above
38:52
80%. in some polls. She is
38:54
seen by Mexicans as a leader
38:56
who is responsibly handling the confrontation
38:59
with the United States, trying to
39:01
find some sort of exit strategy
39:04
if you will that will ultimately
39:06
be favorable to Mexico, but
39:08
who also understands the deep
39:10
security challenges, which are not
39:13
just about homicide. They're about
39:15
extortion. They're about cartels who
39:17
control swaths of territory, who
39:19
require people to make payments
39:21
just to lead their daily
39:23
lives. The challenge is immense.
39:26
It's not clear that the
39:28
Mexican state will ultimately have
39:30
enough resources to take on
39:32
these very powerful cartels whose
39:34
pockets are filled with billions
39:36
of dollars from American consumers and from other
39:39
countries who consume the drugs. I think Mexicans
39:41
so far are giving President Shane Baum a
39:43
lot of credit for trying to take a
39:45
more confrontational approach with these groups and not
39:48
just do kind of a live and let
39:50
live thing. When it comes to fentanyl specifically,
39:52
the dimension of this that will get the
39:54
most attention from Washington, does she have a
39:57
clear strategy? Is there kind of a theory
39:59
of that? the case for how this
40:01
could work? I mean, many people have
40:03
noted just how challenging this is given
40:06
the tiny volumes of fentanyl that come
40:08
across in huge volumes of legal trade.
40:10
Well, Dan, seizures of fentanyl are up.
40:13
There have been some record-high seizures. President
40:15
Shanebaum also made the Trump administration quite
40:17
happy by extraditing almost 30 major cartel
40:20
leaders a couple of weeks ago. And
40:22
so... you know, people in Washington are
40:24
happy with this. But to your question,
40:27
I remember when fentanyl first started rising
40:29
in popularity several years ago, and I
40:31
heard someone said, you know, the drug
40:34
war is over now, we just don't
40:36
know it. And what they meant by
40:38
this was because the quantities were so
40:41
inconceivably small, where, you know, a shipping
40:43
container of fentanyl would be enough to
40:45
supply U.S. demand, I think, for a
40:48
period of several years. This old strategy
40:50
of detection and seizure simply may not
40:52
be effective. I don't know what the
40:54
alternative is. It's clear that we need
40:57
solutions to the fentanyl epidemic in the
40:59
United States, but as to whether these
41:01
kinds of tactics can be effective over
41:04
time beyond just generating headlines and giving
41:06
diplomats things that they can point to
41:08
as examples of success, I think is
41:11
less clear. Let me go to one
41:13
more country that you've done a lot
41:15
of work on, and that's Columbia. You
41:18
mentioned Gustavo Petro earlier in his interactions
41:20
with Trump. Columbia, if you went back,
41:22
you know, not that many years, was
41:25
seen as the kind of great success
41:27
story of US policy in the region,
41:29
starting with Plancklumbia under President Clinton and
41:32
the kind of trajectory of a country
41:34
that seemed like it was going to
41:36
fall apart. It was kind of a
41:38
failed state. in the 1990s and early
41:41
2000s to looking like a success story,
41:43
that started to backslide in some worrying
41:45
ways. How do you understand that trajectory
41:48
and how worried are you about the
41:50
course of Columbia at this point? You
41:52
know, Columbia, I think, is one of
41:55
many countries where you have to take.
41:57
the longer term view and look at
41:59
the movie, not just the photo. I
42:02
have seen in many countries in the
42:04
25 years that I've been doing this
42:06
unexpected progress, solutions to problems that none
42:09
of us believed were possible. And Colombia
42:11
is an example of this. I mean,
42:13
back in the early 2000s, for example,
42:16
when former President Alvo Aribé was inaugurated
42:18
in 2002, his inauguration. was shelled with
42:20
mortar fire from the FARC, from the
42:23
guerrilla group, and 17 people were killed.
42:25
Diplomats who attended that inauguration had to
42:27
literally run for their lives. Since then,
42:29
it's not today a perfect place by
42:32
any stretch of the imagination, but homicides
42:34
have fallen a lot. The state now
42:36
controls vast areas that it did not
42:39
before, and it feels fundamentally like a
42:41
different country. Some of that progress has
42:43
been... put in question. You know, critics
42:46
of President Petro accuse him of taking
42:48
his eye off the ball when it
42:50
comes to security. President Petro did have
42:53
a peace strategy called Total Peace, but
42:55
its implementation has been more difficult than
42:57
he expected. There's a lot of frustration
43:00
in Colombia over both that as well
43:02
as the economy, and that's one of
43:04
the reasons why it seems that the
43:07
right may be in a position to
43:09
come back and when they have presidential
43:11
elections next year. In the face of
43:13
all of these dynamics, there's been a
43:16
lot of hand-wringing in recent years about
43:18
the state of democracy in the region,
43:20
given inequality and organized crime and everything
43:23
else, you've seen, I think, kind of
43:25
different levels of support for democracy over
43:27
the years in polling. Do you worry
43:30
about the state of democracy in Latin
43:32
America? I think we have some very
43:34
strong democracies in Latin America. Places like
43:37
Argentina and Chile. Chile has a tradition
43:39
where the votes are counted very quickly.
43:41
And then once the result is declared,
43:44
the two candidates appear on television together.
43:46
while one congratulates the other. Uruguay is
43:48
another country where, you know, democracy is
43:51
very strong. Brazil is a country that
43:53
has an electronic voting system that works
43:55
quite well and where they count the
43:58
votes and... Question of hours, not a
44:00
question of days. As an American, it
44:02
can be very humbling to see all
44:04
of these examples. That said, Dan, the
44:07
threats that democratic institutions are under throughout
44:09
the West and throughout the world are
44:11
well known. I think that there's always
44:14
this temptation. And I feel like watching,
44:16
again, not just Latin America, but the
44:18
whole world. I've come to the conclusion
44:21
that there's this thing inside of us
44:23
as human beings that wants to follow
44:25
a strong leader, that wants to tune
44:28
out all the other noise and all
44:30
the other infighting and just follow that
44:32
person. And I think history and particularly
44:35
the 20th century taught us that that's
44:37
actually quite destructive in many cases that
44:39
you know we need countervailing institutions. We
44:42
need checks and balances in order to
44:44
prevent some of those horrors from happening,
44:46
wars, bad economic decisions, and so on.
44:48
And, you know, maybe we're going through
44:51
a phase now where we have to
44:53
relearn some of those lessons, and we
44:55
can look to countries in Latin America,
44:58
you know, many of the countries that
45:00
I mentioned have enormous challenges when it
45:02
comes to their economy and crime and
45:05
so on, but they continue to illuminate
45:07
a path and be good examples of
45:09
how democracy can and should work. I'm
45:12
struck by how many Latin American friends
45:14
in the last few months have texted
45:16
me saying something like now you know
45:19
we've been living with for our entire
45:21
lives. I have one friend in Ecuador
45:23
in particular who about once a week
45:26
text me and says this is the
45:28
American cadilla and I hope you're enjoying
45:30
it. Again, I think it's a universal
45:33
thing. I think it's part of the
45:35
human condition and you know none of
45:37
us are immune to it. Brian, thank
45:39
you so much for doing this. People
45:42
can read your work at America's quarterly.
45:44
excellent edit, which happens
45:46
to be which the
45:49
street from Foreign
45:51
Affairs, and we will
45:53
look forward to
45:56
having you back in
45:58
our pages we will
46:00
long, I hope. It's
46:03
been fun. Thanks,
46:05
Dan. you back in our pages before
46:07
too long I hope. It's been fun,
46:10
thanks to you. Thank you for listening.
46:12
You can you for
46:14
listening. You can find the
46:16
articles that we discussed on today's
46:18
show at foreignaffairs.com. Foreign The Foreign
46:20
Affairs interview is produced by Julia
46:22
Fleming -Dresser, Dresser, Molly Mcananey, Ben Metzner, and Caroline
46:24
Wilcox. Our audio engineer is Todd Yeager. Our Our
46:27
theme music was written and performed
46:29
by by Robin Hilton. Make sure you
46:31
subscribe to the show wherever you
46:33
listen to podcasts. to if you like
46:35
what you heard, you please take
46:37
a minute to rate and review
46:39
it. to We release a new show
46:41
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46:43
tuning in. in.
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