Episode Transcript
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0:00
I'm Dan Kurtz-Felen and this
0:02
is the Foreign Affairs interview.
0:04
What Ukrainians are trying
0:06
to say that Ukrainian task is
0:08
not really to destroy Russia or
0:11
win over Russia as such, but
0:13
make everything possible that their mission
0:16
in Ukraine will fail. And their
0:18
mission is failing. After three years
0:20
of war, Ukraine is facing, Ukraine
0:23
is facing intense pressure from
0:25
Donald Trump to reach a
0:27
settlement with Russia. Trump has
0:29
engaged directly with Vladimir Putin
0:31
while calling Vladimir Zelenski a
0:33
dictator, his administration has sidelined
0:35
European allies while joining a
0:37
handful of Russian allies in
0:39
voting against a UN resolution
0:41
condemning Putin's aggression, and US
0:43
officials have pressured Ukraine in
0:45
designing over critical mineral resources.
0:47
And yet, despite this new geopolitical reality,
0:50
and despite month after month of
0:52
grueling fighting that has Russian forces
0:54
taking territory by the day, Ukrainians
0:56
themselves remain deeply resistant to accepting
0:58
an end to the war that
1:00
would sacrifice their country's territory and
1:02
its sovereignty. In a new essay
1:04
for foreign affairs, the Ukrainian journalist
1:06
Natalia Gumanyuk explains that this resistance
1:08
emerges not only out of a
1:10
sense of patriotism, but also she
1:12
writes, because they know there's little
1:14
chance of survival under Moscow's rule.
1:16
For years, Gumanuk has reported from
1:19
Ukraine's conflict zones, documenting
1:21
the brutality in trying
1:23
to understand the logic
1:26
of Russian occupation. She
1:28
spoke with senior editor
1:30
Hugh Aiken on February
1:32
21st about how Ukrainians
1:35
are reacting to the
1:37
shift in US policy,
1:39
what life is like
1:41
in the almost 20%
1:43
of their country under
1:46
Russian control, and
1:48
where Ukraine goes from
1:51
here. So much to talk
1:53
about today. I want to
1:55
get to your fascinating and
1:58
sobering new essay called Putin.
2:00
Ukraine, which is in the new
2:02
foreign affairs. But I thought we
2:04
should begin with the immediate situation,
2:06
such as it is by the
2:08
day, and what many commentators are
2:10
calling a startling, even shocking, break
2:13
in relations between Washington and Keith.
2:15
I should say we're recording on
2:17
Friday morning, February 21st. Obviously, the
2:19
situation may be different, even a
2:21
few days from now. But I
2:23
just wanted to put to you
2:25
What is the reaction now in
2:27
Kiev to some of these, some
2:29
of the drama of the last
2:32
few days? So I cannot say
2:34
that we are shocked because it's
2:36
like sometimes you have something in
2:38
your mind, the worse you don't
2:40
want to happen, so you don't
2:42
speak about it aloud. So... You
2:44
know we didn't want for quite
2:46
a few months to speak and
2:49
there were a lot of wishful
2:51
thinking that you know maybe something
2:53
good will happen with Donald Trump
2:55
but seriously for quite some time
2:57
Ukrainians and including Ukrainian leadership were
2:59
counting on the situation when there
3:01
would be a time when we
3:03
won't be able to count on
3:06
the US. So you know, so
3:08
it's not totally unexpected, but it's
3:10
not something you want to happen.
3:12
And I still think it's in
3:14
progress and think might be changing
3:16
because you really don't want fully
3:18
to lose the US support and
3:20
you really don't want to have
3:23
this divorce between the United States
3:25
and Europe. So it's... kind of
3:27
an interesting moment for Ukrainians that
3:29
they don't want fully alienate, don't
3:31
Trump and UN administration, because you
3:33
really understand how dependent Ukraine is
3:35
on the Western support, but at
3:37
the same time there is a
3:39
lot of determination, unexpectedly for me,
3:42
unity, because if you speak about
3:44
the most loud voices, they are
3:46
like, let's fight on our own.
3:48
You know, like the immediate reaction
3:50
is like, let's fight on our
3:52
own. will make it whatsoever, but
3:54
the most sobering voices would say,
3:56
like, let's try to figure out
3:59
how we can depend less on
4:01
the US, but, you know, still
4:03
not to break up fully. In
4:05
fact, you know, I was reminded,
4:07
sort of watching all of this
4:09
unfold, including, you know, today we're
4:11
already in a different place than
4:13
we were a few days ago.
4:16
Trump was calling Zilenski a dictator.
4:18
Now today it's, oh, will you
4:20
sign the minerals deal, whatever that
4:22
deal is, we don't really know.
4:24
But I was reminded of the
4:26
piece that you did right after
4:28
the US election in November, in
4:30
which you laid out the fact
4:33
that Ukrainians are quite used to
4:35
this, which is important to remember.
4:37
And I just wanted to read
4:39
a quote from that because I
4:41
think it's so prescient to what
4:43
is happening now. And you said,
4:45
Ukraine has many reasons to be
4:47
concerned about a second. Trump presidency.
4:50
Trump has not said how he
4:52
would end the war or even
4:54
under what conditions. In the background,
4:56
there is his longtime admiration for
4:58
Russian president Vladimir Putin, and Trump's
5:00
runnymate Jady Vance, who is one
5:02
of the first Republicans, to embrace
5:04
indifference to Ukraine as a policy
5:06
position. All this has led many
5:09
to fear that Washington, by far,
5:11
Q's biggest arms supplier, might cut
5:13
off the flow of aid or
5:15
even allow Moscow to dictate the
5:17
terms of peace. And then you
5:19
go on to say, but the
5:21
reality of the war has made
5:23
Ukrainians pragmatic. Setting aside Trump's campaign
5:26
rhetoric, Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelenski is
5:28
preparing to work with him. After
5:30
all Ukrainians live through the first
5:32
Trump administration and have some sense
5:34
of what they are getting. Deal
5:36
making and attempts to flatter Putin,
5:38
but also eventually a major sale
5:40
of lethal arms, including javelin anti-ante
5:43
tank weapons, which have been critical
5:45
in the fight against Russia. Selensky's
5:47
task is and will remain to
5:49
find ways to receive what his
5:51
government needs to defend the population
5:53
in the long run. And so,
5:55
you know, this is more or
5:57
less where we are today, is
6:00
it not? It is, but... I
6:02
remember prior to the campaign the
6:04
US rhetoric was not also very
6:06
good. I remember very well that
6:08
day during the campaign Ukrainian ambassador
6:10
was kind of accused of organizing
6:12
the partisan meeting when the Democrats
6:14
were... Zilenski visited one of
6:16
the military production in Pennsylvania, you
6:19
know, and there was even the
6:21
demand of the Republican Party leadership
6:23
in the Congress to fire the
6:25
Ukrainian ambassador. You know, and I
6:28
also remember that the Republicans didn't
6:30
want to meet with Zilenski at
6:32
that time, but somehow it worked
6:34
and Zilenski met Donald Trump. You
6:37
know, so it's like this... moments
6:39
when it's totally cut off than
6:41
something is happening, I think these
6:44
moments will be still ongoing, but
6:46
what is new, and I think not
6:48
that much for us, rather than for
6:50
Europe, is that quite a clear idea
6:53
that the relation between Europe and
6:55
Donald Trump and the United States
6:57
are not like... they were. You
6:59
know that there are a lot
7:01
of concern that the US won't
7:04
be backing up European allies. So
7:06
I do think it's a bit
7:08
more serious and the level of
7:10
flattering of Don't Trump with Russians
7:12
is quite, I won't say surprising,
7:14
but Trump directly quoting more
7:17
or less speaking in the
7:19
same words. Again, like it's not
7:21
something we couldn't expect, but
7:23
I wouldn't underestimate that. But
7:25
yes, I think Ukrainians are
7:27
used to that. Of course,
7:30
under the surface, we know that
7:32
much more serious negotiations are going
7:34
on with the actual negotiating team,
7:37
Keith Keller, meeting with Salenski yesterday,
7:39
I believe, and we have other
7:41
developments, so it's hard to tell
7:44
what on the surface really reflects
7:46
actual actions and what is more
7:49
kind of the rhetorical wave that
7:51
we've almost become used to now
7:53
driven by social media. So look
7:56
I shouldn't also maybe miss a
7:58
chance to say that If you
8:00
really speak about public opinion, yes,
8:03
quite a lot of people were
8:05
furious about the deal where the
8:07
US, to have like half of
8:09
the Ukrainian natural resources, we don't
8:12
know exactly what is in this
8:14
deal, but more or less it
8:16
sounded appalling, people didn't like the
8:19
tone, emotionally Ukrainians are more angry
8:21
than generally the, you know, political
8:23
leadership of Ukraine. saying. But yes,
8:25
we are in the moment when
8:28
we believe there could be decrease
8:30
of the American aid. And first
8:32
of all... With USAID there is
8:35
no any longer money, you know,
8:37
to be honest, like despite all
8:39
the courts and processes, it's clear
8:41
that part of the financial support
8:44
is not there already. It's kind
8:46
of happened. That is already there.
8:48
I think what we need to
8:51
speak is like whether the Ukraine
8:53
would be able, if the US
8:55
won't be given this aid, to
8:57
buy it even, like, you know,
9:00
like to ask Europeans to buy
9:02
that weapon. And I think that
9:04
is the real thing, because of
9:07
course we can speak a... about
9:09
the deal, about the settlement, but
9:11
there won't be any, you know,
9:14
no less intense fight on the
9:16
battleground. While there would be discussion
9:18
about the settlement and the peace
9:20
negotiation with Moscow, the major thing
9:23
for Ukraine would be still defending
9:25
itself from the Russian missiles and
9:27
we really need the patriots, we
9:30
really needs the ammunition for patriots
9:32
and other air defense, but also
9:34
on the front line. So it's
9:36
still the most kind of... critical
9:39
thing at this moment for Ukraine
9:41
to balance and try to fight
9:43
this war with decreased American aid.
9:46
Let's talk about that for a
9:48
moment. We are now at the
9:50
third anniversary of the full-scale invasion
9:52
and the actual frontline situation in
9:55
some ways has been somewhat lost
9:57
the last couple weeks. There was
9:59
a report even as this sort
10:02
of fight was playing out in
10:04
the media. There were reports. This
10:06
is past week that the Russian
10:08
offensive is slowing. I believe Ukrainian
10:11
forces retook a village near Prokovs.
10:13
And the drone defenses have had
10:15
a lot of success recently. Just
10:18
on the military side, where is
10:20
the current situation? So it looks
10:22
like it's better than half a
10:24
year ago, because I remember very
10:27
well the whole autumn, the discussion
10:29
was... You know, the Puckros school
10:31
be overtaken and then Russia would
10:34
be very close to the occupation
10:36
of the full Dunyetsk region, something
10:38
they really want because it's a
10:40
part of their special operation. But
10:43
indeed, I even had a chance
10:45
very briefly to meet one of
10:47
the commanders. of the ground forces
10:50
a couple of weeks ago, and
10:52
he said, like, for the last
10:54
two weeks, the situation here, Pokrovsk
10:56
is definitely improving. And that's what
10:59
we hear from the Western analysts
11:01
who are also saying that for
11:03
Russians to overtake the major towns
11:06
in, or even Pokrovsk in the
11:08
major towns in the East, they
11:10
will need like half a year
11:13
or year. So you know, it's
11:15
really slowed down. And that's why
11:17
I'm like really returning to this
11:19
point that, you know, the whole
11:22
discussion this week since the Munich
11:24
Security Conference, since the meeting in
11:26
Riyadh, was dominated by the fact
11:29
that Ukraine was not invited to
11:31
the talks in Saudi Arabia, it
11:33
was not on the table, the
11:35
Europeans were also not there. What
11:38
is the leverage of the US
11:40
to force Ukraine to the deal?
11:42
You know, I'm using this terminology
11:45
in force the deal... on Ukraine.
11:47
The leverage is of course military
11:49
aid because Ukrainians really don't want
11:51
the deal without the guarantee. So
11:54
I think that the Americans are
11:56
coming from the position that Ukrainians
11:58
will accept the deal whatsoever and
12:01
Ukrainians coming from the position we
12:03
won't accept the deal we don't
12:05
like. And there is some misunderstanding
12:07
in the media that you know
12:10
people are coming from two different
12:12
positions. Why I'm saying Ukrainians... won't
12:14
accept because Ukrainians won't accept anything
12:17
which doesn't provide any security guarantees
12:19
and they are not at all
12:21
discussed at this stage. They were
12:23
not there during the meeting of
12:26
Jade events with President Zilenski when
12:28
there was this discussion about the
12:30
minerals offered. There were kind of
12:33
demands from Ukraine or let's say
12:35
suggestion what Ukraine should give but
12:37
there was nothing about what... the
12:39
US will provide in return. And
12:42
if nothing is provided in return,
12:44
it means situation for Ukrainian isn't
12:46
improving. So there is no sense
12:49
even to consider it to be
12:51
a settlement. It won't be accepted
12:53
without any guarantees. And maybe this
12:56
brings us to your piece. I
12:58
mean, one of the opening conceits
13:00
of your essay, which seems very
13:02
important, is that we have this
13:05
sort of assumption in the West
13:07
that after three years. Ukraine must
13:09
be desperate for a deal. And
13:12
your point is actually no, you
13:14
know, no deal is better than
13:16
a bad deal and that given
13:18
all other realities without these crucial
13:21
guarantees, Ukraine is not going to
13:23
just stop fighting. But I think
13:25
the other crucial point that is
13:28
in your framing is that in
13:30
fact, There's a kind of disconnect
13:32
in how the West sees the
13:34
war now and what it is
13:37
like in Ukraine and not just
13:39
on the front lines but as
13:41
your pieces have continually pointed out
13:44
the civilian situation in Ukraine is
13:46
remarkably different than what might be
13:48
portrayed as a kind of total
13:50
war over a society and can
13:53
you just Give us a sense
13:55
of that now. Where are we
13:57
now after, you know, we're two-thirds
14:00
of the way through the third
14:02
winter of the war? So, indeed,
14:04
it's something very unusual, this abnormal
14:06
normalcy, and of course, as a
14:09
Ukrainian, I'm permanently living Kiev and,
14:11
you know, We have the air
14:13
strikes almost every night around the
14:16
country, so it's obviously tiring. There
14:18
is a level of devastation, and
14:20
20% of the country is occupied,
14:22
and some parts of the country
14:25
are destroyed, particularly on the frontline.
14:27
But since it's a big country,
14:29
the rest of it kind of
14:32
managed to leave... and function. So
14:34
for instance for the second year,
14:36
despite of the all-negative prognosis, we
14:38
didn't have any serious blackouts during
14:41
winter. You know, there was energy,
14:43
there was electricity, despite Russians are
14:45
shelling on the infrastructure all the
14:48
time. Obviously, not without the Western
14:50
financial support, including a huge European
14:52
ones. You know, Ukraine has... functioning
14:55
economy because the pensions are paid
14:57
health care system is working education
14:59
is there the bank system is
15:01
working yes we have curfew but
15:04
life is kind of normal in
15:06
most of the country of course
15:08
there is always a permanent risk
15:11
to die of the people who
15:13
are fighting in the frontline and
15:15
almost every Ukrainian has a family
15:17
member who is fighting but at
15:20
the same time modern technology and
15:22
generally the functioning state allows Ukrainians
15:24
kind of live as if the
15:27
war is not there, especially for
15:29
those who are further from the
15:31
frontline or in the big cities.
15:33
So I think I usually try
15:36
to explain it as a... Chances
15:38
of terrorist attacks. So you kind
15:40
of live your life as if
15:43
it's normal. And then there is
15:45
always a chance that the Russian
15:47
bomb would fall on your head
15:49
at night during the day. Would
15:52
it be in hospital? Would it
15:54
be in shopping mall? Would it
15:56
be elsewhere? But there is this
15:59
air defense alert. And what is
16:01
also missing in this point, that
16:03
Ukraine is today, let's say it
16:05
can fall easily. easily if there
16:08
are no money at all, but
16:10
somehow it's more stable. So compared
16:12
to zero production of weapon in
16:15
2022, today the Ukrainian government claims
16:17
40% of the weapon used in
16:19
the frontline is produced in Ukraine.
16:21
We were fully dependent, we had
16:24
almost nothing, now it's different. And
16:26
also people are kind of more
16:28
prepared to the risk, therefore... The
16:31
life like we have, despite all
16:33
the exhaustion, is definitely better than
16:35
the life under the Russian occupation,
16:37
which is something we couldn't even
16:40
imagine how bad it is in
16:42
2022. It's really the level of
16:44
the political repressions, the repressions against
16:47
the people is horrific, the crimes
16:49
which are committed under the occupation,
16:51
but also a prospect that if
16:54
we give up If we kind
16:56
of just freeze the conflict today,
16:58
then the Russians would attack in
17:00
a couple of years, then the
17:03
cities which were protected, like Kiev,
17:05
which didn't fail in 2022, you
17:07
know, which could have been occupied
17:10
because the Russian troops were really
17:12
close. If there is just a
17:14
settlement without the guarantees, then Kiev
17:16
could be in a situation like
17:19
Herzon, which had been occupied, or
17:21
like other territories. It's a very
17:23
clear choice, so what we have
17:26
is bad. You don't want to
17:28
have it, but it's so much
17:30
better that what the freeze without
17:32
guarantees or the Russian occupation will
17:35
bring that you opt for preserving
17:37
what we have. This brings us
17:39
to the heart of your peace,
17:42
and let's turn to that now,
17:44
because I think in Putin's Ukraine,
17:46
your essay, you do something which
17:48
is really... kind of remarkable at
17:51
this stage into the world, which
17:53
is I think you kind of
17:55
reconceptualize how we should think about
17:58
the world. And the
18:00
whole question of
18:02
occupation is interesting because
18:04
I think even for the
18:07
sort of military analysts, it has
18:09
been sort of to the
18:11
side of the main discussion of
18:13
the war. And we have
18:15
this kind of human rights perspective.
18:17
And this is of course
18:20
important and your own work
18:22
on this has been crucial.
18:24
Your organization, the Reckoning Project
18:26
is in fact doing human
18:28
rights documentation. So I think
18:30
it may be actually sort
18:32
of surprising knowing your
18:34
work that you are arguing actually
18:36
that the human rights perspective is kind
18:38
of missing the larger point. And
18:40
I'll just read this passage because
18:42
I think it neatly captures what
18:44
you're trying to say. And
18:46
you write, as many Ukrainians recognize
18:48
what observers in the West have
18:51
characterized as brutal excesses in
18:53
occupied areas, human rights abuses, political
18:55
repression and war crimes are in
18:57
fact a central part of
18:59
Russia's war strategy. The issue
19:01
is not merely what happens to
19:03
those under Russian rule, but how
19:05
Moscow has used its control of
19:07
significant numbers of Ukrainians to undermine
19:09
the stability of the whole country,
19:12
even without taking more territory.
19:14
And then you go on to
19:16
say, put simply Russian control
19:18
over any part of Ukraine subverts
19:20
and corrodes Ukrainian sovereignty everywhere. So
19:24
in a sense, you're saying
19:26
this is war strategy. It's
19:28
not excess, even kind of
19:30
systematic abuses are not just
19:32
wanton brutality. This is a
19:34
concerted part of what Russia
19:36
is trying to do to
19:38
achieve its larger goals in Ukraine.
19:40
Can you just sort of explain
19:42
what you're getting at? Yeah,
19:45
so there are two sides. So
19:47
indeed I've been working on the
19:49
war crimes documentation since 2022, but
19:51
since 2014, I've been reporting mainly
19:53
from the human rights perspective the
19:55
occupation of the Eastern Ukraine and
19:57
Crimea. Travelling to Crimea quite often
19:59
it was It's very very very hard
20:01
to raise awareness internationally about the
20:04
human rights abuses, repression of what's
20:06
going on in Crimea and the
20:08
Eastern Ukraine. The Ukrainians knew well
20:10
what was going on. I think
20:13
we were all mistaken, including myself,
20:15
including a lot of Ukrainian human
20:17
rights defenders, because we were always
20:19
speaking about that as a political
20:22
repressions, and, you know, these two
20:24
words of real politics, of geopolitics,
20:26
sometimes, you know, the human rights
20:29
people consider to be very naive,
20:31
idealistic, the war is different, but
20:33
what we observed, that eight years
20:35
of the occupation of Crimea and
20:37
the Eastern Ukraine, was a preparation
20:39
by Russia to launch the bigger
20:42
war, to... use that territories as
20:44
a launch pad for the war,
20:46
militarize peninsula, accumulate the troops there,
20:48
and put behind the bars the
20:50
people who could be outspoken, not
20:52
because they're politically criticizing the Russian
20:54
regime and they didn't want to
20:57
have any dissent. They really, literally
20:59
wanted those people who on February
21:01
2022 could be... picking and telling
21:03
that you know, oh, the full-scale
21:06
invasion is there, the tanks are
21:08
on the border with the rest
21:10
of Ukraine, they were all behind
21:13
the bars. And the whole strategy
21:15
of... bringing the Russian population to
21:17
the occupied territories, putting the people
21:20
and mass in jail, torturing them,
21:22
beating them, and threatening against any
21:24
dissent, they were the part of
21:27
pacifying the territory so their military
21:29
can fight. And that's what
21:31
we really expect from the
21:33
occupied territories. So the clothes
21:35
they are to the rest
21:37
of the Ukraine, the more
21:39
territories they... control. The larger
21:41
chances are that in some
21:43
years the very similar territories
21:45
today of Hersohn region, southern
21:48
part of Idzaparizia region, would
21:50
be again used like the
21:52
launch pad further to attack
21:54
Harkif, to attack Nipro, to
21:56
attack Odessa, but also the
21:58
whole processes, administrative processes. giving
22:00
the Russian passport to the Ukrainian population.
22:02
It's all part of this strategy, how
22:05
to control the part of the territory
22:07
which could be used for waging even
22:09
the bigger war. But there is something
22:12
else, which is also very interesting, and
22:14
that's something which I heard from the
22:16
Russian side in Riyadh. You know, the
22:18
Europeans and people like myself who follow
22:21
the negotiations which were called Minsk agreement
22:23
too, but including, you know, French and
22:25
Germans recognize that what Russia is offering
22:28
today to the new American administration is
22:30
more or less something which was there
22:32
and which was discussed in a very
22:35
similar way for the last eight years.
22:37
Before 2022. Before 2022. It's really strikingly
22:39
similar to the Minsk. offers, we call
22:42
it minstrivis out Zilenski. You know, it's
22:44
really just almost the same, but at
22:46
that time there were discussion about the
22:49
elections in the occupied territories, where the
22:51
Russians could put their puppets and you
22:53
know, like, destroy Ukraine from within, control
22:56
it politically. And it's even amazing to
22:58
understand how they are literally offering almost
23:00
the same deal. It's too similar, but
23:02
in the largest scale, you know, with
23:05
more territories occupied. And why it works,
23:07
because the Americans, the current administration, was
23:09
not there. It's really fascinating how they
23:12
are not even trying to hide it.
23:14
It's a case of deja vu, you
23:16
might say. So there's a lot there.
23:19
I want to unpack this kind of
23:21
in several steps, because I think it's
23:23
really important to get clear on what
23:26
you're saying. Firstly... In a sense, we're
23:28
sort of mistaken when we talk about
23:30
the third anniversary, because this is really
23:33
an 11-year war. And I think as
23:35
your piece makes so clear, the Ukrainian
23:37
understanding of the war really begins with
23:40
2014, and specifically the occupation, which was
23:42
such a reality from that. moment and
23:44
you're reporting in Crimea and what you
23:46
actually call the Crimean toolkit that Russia
23:49
has developed in Crimea and in Eastern
23:51
Don Bass and we're now seeing kind
23:53
of amped up to a whole new
23:56
level in the territories that have been
23:58
occupied since 2022. But just first to
24:00
explain. that toolkit as you describe it
24:03
because I think we have this idea
24:05
in our head that occupation is just
24:07
a military force coming in and establishing
24:10
military rule over a territory. And in
24:12
fact, this has a whole series of
24:14
implications in how order is imposed and
24:17
what it actually means for the rest
24:19
of Ukraine and why is it that
24:21
the 80% of Ukraine that is free
24:24
today? nevertheless is acutely feeling the occupation
24:26
every day. So I think we still
24:28
need to differentiate the type of the
24:30
occupation which was happening before 2022, because
24:33
if before that, you know, it was
24:35
something we could expect that, you know,
24:37
journalists, Crimean indigenous population, which were always
24:40
not trustful in Russia, would be risking
24:42
their lives while staying in the occupation
24:44
because they were detained, they were, you
24:47
know, politically repressed. Everything Ukrainian was forbidden,
24:49
you know, the schools were rusified, the
24:51
Russians were preparing and teaching the children
24:54
in totally different narrative, you know, were
24:56
more or less really rusifying this population,
24:58
but creating the situation when the population
25:01
of the occupied territories could be drafted
25:03
to the army. But at the same
25:05
time, we could understand who were under
25:08
the attack. What happened after 2022? I
25:10
remember very well, the conversation which for
25:12
me described it very, very well. I
25:14
talk with the wife of one of
25:17
the survivors of the man in Berdianski,
25:19
the Parisia region near Marupul, who have
25:21
been detained and tortured and tortured. horribly
25:24
by the Russians and she really said
25:26
you know it's enough to have your
25:28
own opinion to be arrested and detained
25:31
it doesn't matter which opinion you should
25:33
have and now we can see that
25:35
anybody who is not openly supporting the
25:38
Russian occupation can be taken in prison,
25:40
can be violently treated. So I should
25:42
say within our project, the reckoning projects,
25:45
we have talked for over 500 survivors
25:47
of the war crimes. And half of
25:49
them are from the occupied territories. And
25:51
all people from the occupied territories, almost
25:54
all of them were at some moment
25:56
detained, beaten. tortured and dozens of them
25:58
electrocuted. So it's really the magnitude of
26:01
the violence used against the people is
26:03
drastic. But the second thing is the
26:05
social and political life. So indeed, you
26:08
know, it's not about even having a
26:10
Ukrainian flag. You can be... told that
26:12
once you used to have the Ukrainian
26:15
flag, that's already the reason to be
26:17
detained and be suspicious. But also, without
26:19
the Russian passport, for instance, you cannot
26:22
get the medical aid, including the urgent
26:24
medical aid. Or you can be threatened
26:26
that your children would be taken. You
26:29
need to cooperate with the Russian state
26:31
in some way. But also politically, these
26:33
territories are kind of in limbo. Some
26:35
of the parts of these territories, there
26:38
was no active battlefield for some time
26:40
there, but in some parts, because after
26:42
the first year, when Russians couldn't really
26:45
occupy any bigger town, what they were
26:47
doing, they literally were destroying the town,
26:49
and when the Ukrainian army had to
26:52
withdraw, they... were taking these areas but
26:54
they're not really rebuilding them properly and
26:56
people are really suffering there because there
26:59
is no you know proper schooling proper
27:01
health care but the people who are
27:03
brought from Russia, they receive preferences. You
27:06
said the people brought from Russia, because
27:08
I think this is another aspect of
27:10
the occupation that we in the West
27:13
have sort of lost sight of, and
27:15
that is the very significant program of
27:17
bringing in Russians to this territory. And
27:19
again, this goes back to Crimea. As
27:22
you say, I think, how are many,
27:24
is it 800,000, or it's quite a
27:26
large number who... were brought into Crimea
27:29
after 2014. And this, in a sense,
27:31
is a model for what's happening in
27:33
some areas of the new territories. Yes,
27:36
as you know, it's something which was
27:38
estimated after quite a few years that
27:40
in Crimea, which is overall, it's about
27:43
2 million people and up to 800,000
27:45
people were brought from Russia to the
27:47
peninsula, which also... you know, creates the
27:50
long-lasting problem because who will speak about
27:52
the public opinion in Crimea today? You
27:54
know, how we can define it if
27:57
it's not about the people who used
27:59
to live there before? And if the
28:01
same will happen in Marjupol, where also
28:03
people are moved from the rest of
28:06
Russia, so it's more or less erasing...
28:08
anything Ukrainian in the territories and creating
28:10
a long-lasting problem. So at the same
28:13
time for Ukrainians it's hard because if
28:15
you don't leave at that territories for
28:17
instance and you Let's say move to
28:20
Kiev or Harkiv or to a different
28:22
town, but you have your flat and
28:24
apartment there. There are cases when the
28:27
housing was taken away from people if
28:29
they didn't return to the occupied territories
28:31
and they were given to a different
28:34
people, to the newcomers. So it's extremely
28:36
complex and difficult life and it's also
28:38
about the difficult choices. Do you want
28:41
to leave this territory, abandoned this territory
28:43
and fully, you know, leave it?
28:45
for the loyal Russian
28:47
citizens. But also
28:50
the life there is
28:52
unlivable if you
28:54
are not openly supporting
28:57
the occupation. Of
28:59
course, a lot of
29:01
people live in
29:04
the occupation without supporting
29:06
the Russian regime.
29:08
But that's a huge
29:11
challenge. And you
29:13
know, who are the
29:15
people coming? It's
29:18
military, it's their families,
29:20
these are law
29:22
enforcement. So it's really
29:25
creating this territory
29:27
which could be hostile
29:29
to the Ukrainian
29:31
state. You know, it's
29:34
a complex issue.
29:36
How Ukraine should deal
29:38
with the population,
29:41
with the territories afterwards.
29:43
But I would
29:45
insist the time in
29:48
this regard is
29:50
not on our side.
29:52
The longer the
29:55
occupation lasts, so for
29:57
instance, we agree
29:59
for the freezing situation
30:02
as it is.
30:04
Within the couple of
30:06
years, children won't
30:09
go to the schools
30:11
where would be
30:13
any sign of the
30:15
Ukrainian language. Moreover,
30:18
you know, they are
30:20
taught a totally
30:22
different version of history
30:25
of what's going
30:27
on. So there is
30:29
also a huge
30:32
propaganda, brainwashing campaign. And
30:34
quite a lot
30:36
of people also have
30:39
forgotten how has
30:41
Russia changed since 2022?
30:43
You know, I've
30:46
been to Russia the
30:48
last time in
30:50
summer 2021, I have
30:53
friends and family
30:55
members. And we know
30:57
it's a different
30:59
country. I know a
31:02
lot of European
31:04
and American experts, they
31:06
had been to
31:09
Moscow. You know, it's
31:11
a vibrant city,
31:13
big, looks quite Western.
31:16
And again, like
31:18
I've been quite a
31:20
lot to Moscow
31:23
after 2014. It's very
31:25
different country today.
31:27
You know, the Russian
31:30
regime for quite
31:32
some time offered their
31:34
citizens, you know,
31:36
like we bring you
31:39
financial stability, something
31:41
like that, but do
31:43
not express your
31:46
opinion. Express your opinion
31:48
in kitchen or
31:50
whatsoever. After the full
31:53
scale invasion, it's
31:55
very ideological state. People
31:57
are prosecuted, they're
32:00
taken from their house.
32:02
You know, it's really more like North
32:04
Korea than we can imagine. The ideology
32:07
is in the schools, in the universities,
32:09
and that's why what is
32:11
being created in these
32:13
territories, it's really a
32:16
pretty drastic type of
32:18
regime, a kind of
32:20
world-lord military-type repressive territories,
32:23
which you really... don't
32:25
want to be there, me or anybody
32:27
whom I know out of my circle
32:29
knows that there is zero chance to
32:31
survive in the Russian occupation if we
32:33
stay there. For us, there is no chance.
32:35
I mean, one way of thinking about this,
32:37
there are actually two different
32:39
occupations happening. There's the occupation
32:42
of Ukrainians who are stuck
32:44
in these areas, this kind
32:46
of reign of terror, which
32:48
you described so well in
32:51
your piece. And then there's
32:53
the second occupation of these...
32:55
Russian communities which are essentially
32:57
being created on the ruins
33:00
in Marupu literally on the
33:02
ruins of this once very
33:04
large and flourishing city where
33:07
the population has been
33:09
largely destroyed. It's
33:11
quite an astonishing
33:13
story that has
33:15
happened sort of underneath
33:17
the actual sort
33:19
of top level of the war.
33:22
is not solving the problem,
33:24
the ceasefire, they're just like
33:26
keeping the situation as it
33:28
is. Because in the territory
33:31
occupied by Russia, first of
33:33
all Russia itself would accumulate
33:35
weapons, would still work with
33:37
all their partners in North
33:40
Korea or Iran or wherever
33:42
to... build their military economy to
33:44
produce more weapons to catch
33:46
up because they are also
33:48
exhausted. But at the same
33:50
time, there would be this
33:52
broadening the territory where the
33:54
Russians would be able to
33:57
do whatever they want, not
33:59
following any... but there will be
34:01
anybody to watch that. And again,
34:03
the closer to the rest of
34:06
the Ukrainian territory, the more fortified
34:08
the line would be, the more
34:10
soldiers they would have, because they're
34:12
disproportionately trying to mobilize the local
34:15
population. It cannot happen today, but
34:17
in future, of course, they would
34:19
use this population as well to
34:22
have more soldiers to fight against
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35:29
negotiations because I think also
35:31
the way we think about
35:33
territory is essentially that is
35:35
the central thing is how
35:37
much territory would be on
35:39
each side of any ceasefire
35:41
and as you point out
35:43
in your piece it's not
35:45
about territory. It's about what
35:47
is happening on the territory.
35:49
And I think it's useful
35:51
to remember, as you point
35:53
out, that there are something
35:55
like 6 million Ukrainians under
35:57
the occupied areas. I mean,
35:59
it's a huge population, and
36:01
this is actually less than
36:03
the many more who have
36:05
been able to leave or
36:07
to go to the west.
36:09
And I guess the larger
36:12
question is here. What do
36:14
you see? playing out in
36:16
a kind of ceasefire that
36:18
does not provide the kinds
36:20
of guarantees that Ukrainians are
36:22
saying are absolutely essential? So
36:24
the most important part is
36:26
don't repetition. Let's say that
36:28
Ukraine would be less militarized
36:30
and then Russia attacks. So
36:32
for Ukraine, the most important
36:34
is being even stronger protected
36:36
than it is now. So
36:38
Russia, there would be this
36:40
level of deterrence, that the
36:42
Russians won't attack again. And
36:44
if they attack, we would
36:46
understand what will happen. I
36:48
think that now discussion is
36:50
really shifting too much about
36:52
very hypothetical idea about some
36:54
European troops on the ground
36:56
without clear understanding what they
36:58
should do there. But for
37:00
Ukraine, it's more about protecting
37:02
the sky, protecting the country,
37:04
having a superiority on air.
37:06
Because if Ukraine has superiority
37:08
on air, like usual NATO
37:10
army has, the Russians won't
37:12
be able to wage this
37:14
type of war, to be
37:16
honest. So it's not the
37:18
miraculous kind of solution which
37:20
doesn't exist. It's pretty simple.
37:22
So now coming to the
37:24
idea of Ukraine being part
37:26
of NATO. And by the
37:28
way, yes, reminding everybody that
37:30
just part of Germany was
37:32
accepted to NATO in 50s.
37:34
So I don't think it's
37:36
totally impossible. But we see
37:38
that there is no willingness
37:40
of the American president. I
37:42
won't. about the red lines
37:44
from the Russian side because
37:46
if we really speak about
37:48
the Russian red lines militarization
37:50
of Ukraine is also similarly
37:52
a red line for them
37:54
NATO is largely symbolic but
37:56
NATO is kind of the
37:58
cheapest option as long as
38:00
we start to list what
38:02
are the security guarantees you
38:04
start to write one two
38:06
three four and then you
38:08
understand that actually you inventing
38:10
the wheel and then there
38:12
is a question whether you
38:14
need to create something which
38:16
is very similar to NATO
38:18
just isn't called NATO, but
38:20
isn't like creating the systems
38:22
which duplicates each other, maybe
38:24
weakening current alliance? Again, but
38:26
I don't think that with
38:28
the Ukrainians the symbolic things
38:30
matter at this stage that
38:32
much. But there are not
38:35
yet on the discussion the
38:37
real things which won't allow
38:39
Russia to repeat this type
38:41
of war. Before we discuss
38:43
the real guarantees, everything else
38:45
doesn't look like serious discussion,
38:47
like real deal, like real
38:49
settlement. Indeed, maybe one of
38:51
the more important takeaways of
38:53
what is happening now is
38:55
that the most likely outcome
38:57
in the immediate near term
38:59
is more fighting and... how
39:01
should we think about that?
39:03
And I think it's helpful
39:05
to remember one of the
39:07
points you made in your
39:09
previous piece last summer after
39:11
the Kursk offensive, and that
39:13
offensive itself followed a major
39:15
Russian offensive, which we may
39:17
have forgotten now, but this
39:19
was a kind of a
39:21
failure that Russia tried to
39:23
take Harkiv. And as you
39:25
concluded in that piece, as
39:27
of the time he wrote
39:29
the piece, it seemed highly
39:31
unlikely that Russia would be
39:33
able to, not only not
39:35
to capture Harkiv, but any
39:37
other large Ukrainian city. And
39:39
that in itself seems quite
39:41
remarkable now. We can remember
39:43
that there was the failure
39:45
to take Kiev at the
39:47
start of the war. There
39:49
was the failure to occupy
39:51
Herzon, which was occupied for
39:53
nine months, but then lost.
39:55
Then the repeated failures to
39:57
take Kharkiv. And I just
39:59
wonder at this point, do
40:01
you stand by that? Do
40:03
you think that Russia is
40:05
actually unable to, in a
40:07
sense that what it is
40:09
fighting over is these areas
40:11
of occupation, but it has
40:13
not actually achieved these goals
40:15
that it set out to?
40:17
So look Russia, you know
40:19
called the North Korean troops
40:21
to free Kursk region. It's
40:23
very important for them. Putin
40:25
really wanted to liberate the
40:27
Kursk region before kind of
40:29
meeting with Trump before the
40:31
deal because then it gives
40:33
him an opportunity to ask
40:35
again for the freeze of
40:37
the means that the Ukraine
40:39
is controlling part of the
40:41
Russian land. By the way,
40:43
also worth it to say
40:45
and understand what do the
40:47
Russian red lines mean. So
40:49
many people were saying, like,
40:51
Crimea is a red line
40:53
for Putin. That is a
40:55
red line for Putin. Ukraine,
40:58
in the end, occupied part
41:00
of Russia, you know, and
41:02
waging the war on the
41:04
Russian territory, but you know,
41:06
what Russia does. does everything
41:08
possible fighting back, but it's
41:10
already half a year. I
41:12
honestly thought that it will
41:14
be way faster for them
41:16
to liberate the Kursk region.
41:18
And so it's not really
41:20
easy. Again, it costs lives
41:22
of the Ukrainian soldiers. It
41:24
could be done better. So
41:26
for Ukraine is the most
41:28
important argument as well, saying
41:30
that what President Trump is
41:32
doing today is kind of
41:34
like prolonging the war. And
41:36
you know, the war is...
41:38
bad for every society. I
41:40
really understand well that it's
41:42
not something we want to
41:44
prolong, but the settlement isn't
41:46
the end. It just, because
41:48
the occupation is not the
41:50
peace. Occupation is just another
41:52
way of war. We cannot
41:54
call the occupation. a liberation,
41:56
the peace, especially if it's
41:58
used for further attacks. So
42:00
yeah, I don't see now
42:02
the opportunity to occupy Kharkiv,
42:04
Nipro or Kiev, but it
42:06
doesn't mean they won't try.
42:08
Russia is not that mighty
42:10
to take over Ukraine, but
42:12
it's strong enough to destroy.
42:14
a lot. But what Ukrainians
42:16
are trying to say that
42:18
Ukrainian task is not really
42:20
to destroy Russia or win
42:22
over Russia as such, but
42:24
make everything possible that their
42:26
mission in Ukraine will fail.
42:28
And their mission is failing.
42:30
It's already failed and it's
42:32
failing. So that is a
42:34
realistic goal for Ukraine to
42:36
let them know that there
42:38
is no sense to do
42:40
that. They won't get more.
42:42
They won't destroy Ukraine and
42:44
state. It will still exist.
42:46
So they would in some
42:48
moment retreat to some extent.
42:50
In short, you could say,
42:52
even if Ukraine can't win,
42:54
it can make Russia fail.
42:56
Realistically, recapturing all of that
42:58
territory now in the immediate
43:00
future may be impossible, but
43:02
you can ensure that Russia...
43:04
is continuing to fail in
43:06
its own goals and that
43:08
in a way is a
43:10
kind of victory and maybe
43:12
a better one than entering
43:14
some kind of deal that
43:16
would in a sense undermine
43:18
the future security of the
43:21
country. I just want to
43:23
ask you one final question
43:25
because I think maybe this
43:27
is left out and this
43:29
will be on a lot
43:31
of people's minds here and
43:33
I think there's a general
43:35
sense that Ukraine has had
43:37
a remarkable run these three
43:39
years, but is it sustainable
43:41
now? The manpower, the flow
43:43
of arms, and of course
43:45
in the background is everything
43:47
you've said about US support,
43:49
but beyond the question of
43:51
US support just from the
43:53
internal perspective, can Ukraine keep
43:55
fighting this war? So of
43:57
course there is a huge
43:59
task for the Ukrainian society
44:01
and state to go on
44:03
as long as it takes.
44:05
It's not something Ukrainians really
44:07
feel is fair and just.
44:09
But a couple of things.
44:11
In terms of, for instance
44:13
for mobilization, which is very
44:15
critical, of course, you need
44:17
to have a manpower to
44:19
fight back. You know now
44:21
we started discussing how normal
44:23
life is in some of
44:25
the parts of Ukraine where
44:27
there is no war and
44:29
it was the choice of
44:31
the Ukrainian government not to
44:33
force people leave country to
44:35
keep taxpayers inside the country
44:37
to kind of have this
44:39
double life when you have
44:41
the frontline and the normal
44:43
life. And I think that
44:45
if things are getting too
44:47
bad part of the Ukrainians
44:49
would have to decrease the
44:51
level of their life, you
44:53
know, pay way higher taxes,
44:55
have way more limitations. It's
44:57
complicated because then Ukraine may
44:59
lose more people, you know,
45:01
people leaving the country not
45:03
staying, which means Ukraine may
45:05
lose money from the taxpayers.
45:07
So it's a very complex
45:09
decision and I think in
45:11
this regard Ukrainians have to
45:13
be prepared that the level
45:15
of life would be worse,
45:17
it would be much harder.
45:19
But it's still possible. Of
45:21
course, we can't discount also
45:23
what Russia will be doing.
45:25
The Russians will be trying
45:27
during this way, you know.
45:29
divide Ukrainian society, play with
45:31
vulnerabilities. We're already observing how
45:33
they're using these talks in
45:35
Riyadh and the message that,
45:37
oh, the US has abandoned
45:39
Ukraine in order to sow
45:41
the division and kind of
45:44
create this kind of atmosphere
45:46
of despair. The mood in
45:48
Moscow, they celebrate, you know,
45:50
see how this campaign is
45:52
kind of floating the Ukrainian
45:54
media space in the social
45:56
media. the telegram channel, like
45:58
celebrating the ideas that the
46:00
West has abandoned Ukraine. So
46:02
it's also something to take
46:04
into account that if the
46:06
life of the people would
46:08
get worse and there would
46:10
be this kind of information
46:12
campaign from Moscow, there could
46:14
be a different type of
46:16
the mood. But what is
46:18
also interesting, you know, the
46:20
days after the Riyadh talks
46:22
and all the Donald Trump
46:24
tweets, I haven't seen Ukrainians
46:26
that determined and united for
46:28
quite some time for probably
46:30
last year. There is a
46:32
moment the feeling very similar
46:34
like Ukrainians had in February
46:36
2022 when the whole world
46:38
was saying, Kiyu would fall
46:40
within three days and Ukrainians
46:42
were like, no we will
46:44
fight, we'll make a cause,
46:46
we'll prove we will fight.
46:48
This moment feels like the
46:50
ones we need to prove
46:52
we can survive whatsoever, but
46:54
also it's very important for
46:56
Ukraine at the same time
46:58
not to throw Donald Trump
47:00
and the new American administration
47:02
into the Russian hands because
47:04
it would be... too much
47:06
of a present just to
47:08
give up upon the US
47:10
support and just by default
47:12
say that, okay, they are
47:14
there somewhere with Putin. I
47:16
don't believe that the US
47:18
would ever really fight on
47:20
the Russian side. So I
47:22
really think we also shouldn't
47:24
push them too hard into
47:26
the disregarding what our emotions
47:28
are because it would be
47:30
just a very good present
47:32
to the Russian leadership. Natalia.
47:35
With that, I think we
47:37
should wrap it up and
47:39
please read Natalia's pieces, not
47:41
only her current essay, but
47:43
her previous essays in foreign
47:45
affairs, many of which are
47:47
as relevant today as when
47:50
they were written. Thank you.
47:52
Thanks for having me. It
47:54
was a pleasure. Thank
48:00
you for listening. You You can find
48:02
the articles that we discussed on
48:04
today's show on today's show at.com. The
48:06
Affairs Interview is produced
48:08
by Julia Fleming Julia Fleming Dresser, Molly
48:11
Ben Metzner, and Caroline Wilcox. Our Our audio
48:13
engineer is Todd Yeager. Our theme Our theme
48:15
music was written and performed by by Robin
48:17
Hilton. Make sure you subscribe to the
48:19
show wherever you listen to podcasts. to
48:21
And if you like what you
48:23
heard, please take a minute to rate
48:25
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48:27
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48:30
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