John Arnold: Government Can't Be Trusted To Fix Any Problems

John Arnold: Government Can't Be Trusted To Fix Any Problems

Released Wednesday, 30th April 2025
Good episode? Give it some love!
John Arnold: Government Can't Be Trusted To Fix Any Problems

John Arnold: Government Can't Be Trusted To Fix Any Problems

John Arnold: Government Can't Be Trusted To Fix Any Problems

John Arnold: Government Can't Be Trusted To Fix Any Problems

Wednesday, 30th April 2025
Good episode? Give it some love!
Rate Episode

Episode Transcript

Transcripts are displayed as originally observed. Some content, including advertisements may have changed.

Use Ctrl + F to search

0:00

This is The Reason Interview with Nick

0:02

Gillespie. Before you do

0:04

anything else, please subscribe to

0:07

my new YouTube channel at

0:09

youtube.com/the at sign and then

0:12

The Reason Interview. That's youtube.com/at

0:14

The Reason Interview. My guest

0:16

today is John Arnold, the

0:19

former Enron Wunderkin turned billionaire

0:21

philanthropist who's determined to hack

0:24

America's most expensive and least

0:26

accountable public sector systems in

0:28

areas like criminal justice, education,

0:31

and pensions. Fun fact,

0:33

he was once called the most hated

0:35

man in pension land by governing magazine

0:37

due to his reform efforts. We

0:40

talk about why those public pensions are

0:42

so out of control and how to

0:45

fix them, how Medicare squeezes

0:47

billions of unnecessary dollars out of

0:49

taxpayers, and how Enron

0:51

scammed its investors, not despite

0:53

regulations, but in full view

0:55

of them. And we discuss

0:58

why, despite all our problems,

1:00

he's still betting on America to get better,

1:02

not worse. Here is the

1:04

Reasoned Interview with John Arnold. John

1:10

Arnold, thanks for talking to me. Great to

1:12

be here. So you and

1:15

your wife, Laura, head up

1:17

Arnold Ventures, which is a

1:19

gigantic philanthropy. I want

1:21

to get into that. And I also want

1:23

to start by asking you, you signed on

1:26

to the giving pledge. Explain

1:28

what the giving pledge is and

1:30

why you said, yeah, this is

1:32

us. So the giving pledge is

1:34

a non -binding pledge that somebody

1:36

signs that says we can give

1:38

away at least half of our

1:41

assets to the philanthropic sector

1:43

at some point. And it

1:45

started in the early 2010s,

1:47

right? Thereabouts? Exactly. Yeah. Exactly.

1:50

And I think we were always inclined

1:52

that way. I think

1:54

we have the benefit of getting to

1:56

see, you know, 100 plus years

1:59

of very significant wealth in this country.

2:02

And the good things it can do and also the bad

2:04

things it can do. And I think

2:06

one of the learnings of seeing

2:08

different families deal with the wealth,

2:11

especially second generation and third generation,

2:14

is that, you know, at times it brings

2:16

families together and at times it divides. I

2:18

mean, they're Canadian, but this

2:21

is the MacArthur Foundation, right?

2:23

Where the older generation of

2:25

the MacArthur money, what

2:27

it was a guy who is

2:29

conservative, his son who publishes Harper's is

2:32

very liberal. So there's partly there's that

2:34

right, but I can I ask, you

2:36

know, it's a truism within kind of

2:39

libertarian circles that, you know, people like

2:41

Henry Ford, or build

2:43

gates, have done much more for

2:46

society by building the products that

2:48

made them billionaires rather than the

2:50

philanthropy they do. Absolutely. I

2:53

think the private sector solves most problems

2:55

and I think that's the default. If

2:58

a problem exists, the private

3:00

sector should try to do it. Now, at times,

3:03

it's not incentivized to do it or there are

3:05

bad incentives. And so

3:07

then the government is kind of round two.

3:09

So you think about like public goods, right?

3:11

The private sector is not going to fund

3:13

those in the right way. And

3:15

so that there is a role for

3:17

government to come in and do the

3:19

things that private sector is not. And

3:21

then I think philanthropy is third. In

3:23

some ways, it's maybe the least effective

3:25

of the three, even though all the

3:27

inefficiencies associated with government that you

3:30

know, philanthropy is looking for things

3:32

where the private sector and the public

3:34

sector either don't have the incentive or

3:36

the will to try to address those

3:39

issues. Or yeah, I mean, part of

3:41

it is just a knowledge problem, right?

3:43

Where nobody's thinking about these problems and

3:45

maybe the private sector is an incentivized

3:48

to do research on them in the

3:50

public sector isn't either. Exactly. Or,

3:52

you know, the public sector might

3:55

not be incentivized, you know, the public sector is driven

3:57

by politicians, right? And so you got to think about

3:59

what are the incentives for politicians. And one of

4:01

those is you want to talk about things that

4:03

work. And if you fund something as a politician,

4:06

if you champion something, and it

4:08

doesn't work, your political opponent in the next

4:10

race is going to use it against you.

4:12

Look at all this money you lost. Do

4:14

you, you know, there's a truism, particularly, I

4:17

think it's on the kind of right side

4:19

of the political spectrum to say, well, you

4:21

know what, philanthropy worked, charity worked, and then

4:24

the government, particularly in the progressive era in

4:26

the early 20th century, started usurping. You

4:28

know various kinds of functions that

4:31

you know groups often based on

4:33

ethnicity or some other or Something

4:35

else, you know some other affinity

4:38

got pushed out of the market. Does

4:40

that ring true to you? I think You

4:42

take 100 years ago, 200 years ago, things

4:44

were much more built around the family. The

4:46

families were bigger, families stayed together, you stayed

4:48

on the same piece of land often. And

4:51

so one generation took care of the next. Or

4:54

whenever one generation got too old, then you had

4:56

the kids taking care of the parents. And

4:59

that's not how we live today. And so

5:01

kind of over time, as people have become

5:04

more nomadic across the US, and I think

5:06

there's a lot of benefit to that. And

5:08

that's how people want to live, at least

5:10

today. then it's kind of

5:12

changed what the family dynamic is. And

5:15

so sometimes, you know, the kids can't take care

5:17

of the parents or vice versa, or

5:19

you're away from your family. And

5:22

so I think the role of

5:24

government's probably changed just as family

5:26

dynamic has changed. How you are

5:28

famously a Houstonian, how are you

5:30

one of these people who say,

5:32

I am like a 10th generation

5:34

Texan, or like how long have

5:37

you been planted in Houston as

5:39

a... raised in Texas, born in

5:41

Dallas. My brother was born

5:43

in... Dallas is practically Canada though. right? I

5:47

brother was born as

5:49

was born in Pennsylvania. So parents moved

5:51

between my brother and me. Yeah, came

5:53

down for opportunity. I came down for

5:55

a job. I think that's why a

5:57

lot of people move to Texas. Yeah,

5:59

and certainly whether moving or now, right?

6:01

Yeah, exactly. Did so let's talk your

6:03

areas of interest are kind of interesting.

6:06

I mean, you you fund a lot

6:08

of K through 12 education stuff. And

6:10

you were big on the KIP. schools,

6:13

knowledge is power program. That's what

6:15

it's an acronym for. You do

6:17

criminal justice, you do pension reform

6:20

and you fund some of reason

6:22

foundations work on that. And

6:24

then also things like open

6:26

science or the integrity of

6:28

science. How do

6:31

you pick what your

6:33

foundation funds? We're involved in

6:35

about a dozen different areas. add

6:39

on housing and infrastructure policy and

6:41

health care costs. I

6:44

think the tie amongst them is that experience

6:46

in the K -12 reform movement,

6:48

which I've been part of for

6:50

over 25 years now, was kind

6:52

of a learning that top

6:55

-down implementation of programs is

6:57

very difficult and just doesn't

6:59

work, especially for a bottoms

7:01

-up type of field like

7:03

K -12 is. So much

7:05

of school successes about the

7:07

teacher and the principal that

7:09

are in the building. And

7:12

so the question is, if you're the

7:14

bureaucrat from above trying to push down

7:16

this new curriculum, trying to say like,

7:19

the school should do X, Y, Z. even

7:22

when the research shows that they're successful,

7:24

it's just very hard for that stuff

7:26

to scale and be successful. And so

7:28

we've very much over time, you know,

7:30

got a theory of change in K

7:33

-12 just about policy rather than programs

7:35

and about the rules and incentives of systems

7:37

and drive behavior. talk a little bit about

7:39

that. Is it that, you know,

7:41

in one of the stats, I remember this

7:43

was decades ago, I did some education stuff

7:46

and one of the most amazing facts

7:48

you know, that I came across, and

7:50

maybe it's not that interesting, but in

7:52

1930, there was something like 130 ,000

7:54

school districts in America. Basically, every town

7:57

was its own school district. There are

7:59

now fewer than 13 ,000. So

8:01

there's been, you know, the

8:03

population has exploded compared to, you

8:05

know, 100 years ago, and the

8:07

number of school districts has declined.

8:09

I mean, there's just so much

8:11

more centralization. But what you're saying

8:13

is that in education, you find

8:15

the real change happens kind of

8:17

dispersed throughout the system. Right.

8:20

So we're thinking about it from,

8:22

again, from the system standpoint about,

8:25

I guess, with the first principle

8:27

that government shouldn't be both the

8:30

service provider and the regulator. Right.

8:32

can't regulate yourself. There has to

8:34

be an accountability mechanism from coming

8:36

from somewhere else. Now,

8:38

technically, the state regulates the

8:41

school district. In reality, the

8:43

state is very, very reluctant to step in.

8:45

The politics involved in that are very difficult

8:47

on both sides. And so,

8:50

historically, you've had the school district just

8:52

be accountable to itself. And that may

8:54

be an elected school board, and there's

8:56

all kinds of types of problems, I

8:58

think, with single district elected school boards.

9:01

And so the question is, what's

9:04

the right role of government? And

9:06

we think that government should be

9:08

a strong regulator of of non

9:11

-profit service providers, i

9:13

.e. charter schools. So this kind of

9:15

goes back to my first entry was

9:17

with KIP and this charter school that

9:19

was getting very different results from the

9:21

school down the street that was educating

9:24

a same demographic. you

9:26

know, is there a secret sauce to

9:29

education other than involvement by all of

9:31

the stakeholders, you know, particularly parents, but

9:33

also teachers, et cetera? God, I wish

9:35

there was. I think K -12 is

9:37

the field that's just been hardest to

9:39

crack. And it's not just in

9:41

the US. There's no urban school system that

9:44

looks at it and say, oh, they've nailed

9:46

it. And they're the ones that have to.

9:48

I mean, the first city that comes up

9:50

with a better than average school system, however

9:52

you define that, would be like the greatest

9:55

city in the world. Everybody would want to

9:57

live there. Right. It's

9:59

ironic is that this problem

10:01

vexes the world as well.

10:05

Kind of famously, Wendy Cobb, who started

10:07

Teach for America, she ended up starting

10:10

Teach for All because she was getting

10:12

so many requests from people in other

10:14

countries saying, we're struggling with our schools.

10:16

Help us. And so she started

10:18

Teach for All and she works in dozens of countries

10:20

now. But kind of

10:22

every country, especially for the

10:25

low income and at risk

10:27

populations, really struggles with education.

10:31

pension reform. You in 2017,

10:33

Governing Magazine referred to you

10:35

in a genuinely flattering article

10:37

as the most hated man

10:39

in pension land. What

10:42

is your interest in pension reform? And

10:44

what's if charter schools are kind of

10:46

the big picture takeaway for education, hit

10:48

through 12 education, what's the big reform

10:51

in pensions? Yeah, well, I will fact

10:53

check that is true. Certainly,

10:56

there's a time when we were the most

10:58

hated people. So

11:01

I think 49 out of 50 states

11:03

have a balanced budget amendment. And the

11:05

purpose of that is to say that

11:07

the current generation should be paying for

11:10

the services that the current generation is

11:12

getting. It shouldn't be punning the

11:14

cost to the next generation. And

11:16

more or less that balanced budget

11:18

amendment works with one big exception.

11:22

And that exception has gotten so big you can

11:24

drive a truck through it and that's public pensions.

11:26

And so what's happened is that oftentimes that

11:29

you have a public union contract that

11:32

comes up and politicians have to make

11:34

a choice. They say either we give

11:36

them more money for their kind of

11:38

annual raises, which means we

11:41

either have to cut services or raise taxes,

11:43

or we can punt this. We can

11:46

offer them instead of raising their salaries,

11:48

we can give them more benefits. And

11:51

that's kind of the secret way to hide

11:53

the cost. And we don't have to make

11:55

this hard trade off. Why do state employees

11:57

buy into that though? Because this is, you

11:59

know, a lot of the times, I mean,

12:01

it kind of happens. But often, you know,

12:04

like, why wouldn't they be like, no, no,

12:06

we want, we'll take 50 % of what

12:08

you say you'll pay us in the future.

12:10

We'll take that now. Yeah. And the irony

12:12

is that, you know, when you do studies

12:14

and look at how much would you trade

12:17

off in pension benefits for current income? the

12:20

state should be paying more in current income

12:22

because that's what most employees actually value. And

12:24

it would be less money over the long

12:26

haul. Over the long haul, but that's not

12:28

where the political incentives are, of course. But

12:30

I think the reason is that

12:33

it's become a reason as to

12:35

why people will join is that

12:37

they understand that they get less

12:39

money today with a very, very

12:41

generous benefit in the future. And

12:43

I guess there is a long

12:45

period of time, particularly Right

12:48

after World War II where that the

12:50

fringe benefits or whatever, you know the

12:52

compensation package might have been more if

12:54

you got job security and like a

12:56

Cadillac retirement plan and health care plan

12:58

that made sense Yeah, so we're still

13:00

kind of locked in that. What's what's

13:02

the best way out of this trap?

13:04

So I think there's three components. One

13:06

is get rid of the abuses. So

13:09

there are some loopholes in the system

13:11

like you could not take a vacation

13:13

for the final 10 years of your

13:15

career and use all that. You spike

13:17

the pension like the last year or

13:19

two. You buy other people's overtime and

13:21

suddenly your salary might have been 70

13:23

grand, but you make $200 ,000 your

13:25

last year and that's what you're paying.

13:27

And then you get 70 % of

13:29

$200 ,000 right until you die. Until

13:33

you're killed. And

13:36

so, you know, those what I call

13:38

kind of loopholes or abuses, that wasn't

13:40

how the intent of the system, right?

13:42

So that's a component of it. I

13:44

think it's a relatively small component. And

13:46

that's kind of been locked down, right?

13:48

I mean, most of that's been much

13:50

of that's been taken care of. You

13:53

know, that was really reading about some of

13:56

those abuses caught my eye and got me

13:58

very interested. And then as you start to

14:00

research, you understand that it's the funding design

14:02

and benefit design that are driving. the major

14:04

problems. And the funding design

14:06

is how much is the city or

14:09

state putting away today in order to

14:11

meet that benefit tomorrow. And

14:13

you can play lots of games there. Either

14:15

you can just blatantly underfund it based upon

14:18

the actual real tables, or you can make

14:20

these very aggressive assumptions. And so

14:22

there's kind of famously that the more

14:24

you assume that the your investments will

14:26

make over the years the less money

14:29

you have to put aside today and

14:31

so and you have states like California

14:33

Illinois, etc. I have really done a

14:35

bet I mean they've they've exploited that

14:37

yeah where they're like yeah you're gonna

14:39

be making you know 10 % average

14:42

return on these investments that we're not

14:44

even making so we don't have to

14:46

fund as much right now exactly And

14:48

everybody's kind of in on the game.

14:50

And what was curious to me as

14:53

I started digging in and started talking

14:55

to unions and started talking to some

14:57

of the representatives is they recognize these

14:59

return assumptions are too high, but they

15:01

don't want them changed. They don't want

15:03

them lowered. They should, because

15:06

that would force the state or state

15:08

to put more money in today to

15:10

make it, you know, ensure, raise the

15:12

probability that that payout exists in the

15:14

future. They are convinced

15:16

that whatever the city or state

15:18

is supposed to pay, they

15:20

will end up paying, they'll find a way, and

15:23

they are worried that if you

15:25

lower the return percentage assumption that

15:28

that draw on money today will

15:30

put more kind of force the

15:32

issue and encourage reform that they

15:35

don't want to see. So then

15:37

is it I mean is that

15:39

is the big answer a shift

15:41

to define contribution rather than to

15:44

find benefit plan? If

15:46

you at private sector people have

15:48

a hybrid you have Social Security

15:50

and you have a 401k or

15:52

IRA right and so there's this

15:54

component of it that You don't

15:56

want to let people kind of

15:58

risk everything in a private investment

16:00

portfolio and you know end up

16:02

65 years old with nothing right

16:04

And so that's what social security

16:06

allows is kind of a guaranteed

16:08

stream that's there for as long

16:10

as you live. And that's important.

16:13

And so we think that something that looks

16:15

like a hybrid system is right for kind

16:18

of 90 % of Americans, why not the

16:20

100 % Americans? And that seems to be

16:22

gaining ground. I mean, in the way that

16:24

school choice has certainly been exploding over the

16:27

past couple of years after a

16:29

lot of build up, but it

16:31

seems like more states, more localities

16:34

are okay with the idea of

16:36

creating defined contribution plans for public

16:39

sector employees. Yeah, certainly for new

16:41

employees. I think there's a principle

16:43

of, you know, don't change the

16:46

benefits that have already been earned.

16:49

I think there's some other ways, some other reforms

16:52

you can do in order to make sure that

16:54

the risk is shared between the state and the

16:56

employee. What are

16:58

some of those? One is

17:00

that your cost of living

17:03

adjustment is lower if the

17:05

fund is underfunded by a

17:07

certain amount. If

17:09

the investment returns are not

17:11

meeting the assumption that both

17:13

the employee and the state

17:15

share some of that risk

17:17

rather than it being 100

17:19

% on the state. Talk

17:21

about your interest in healthcare.

17:24

What's the main focus of

17:26

Arnold Ventures' interest in healthcare

17:28

policy? Yeah, so we looked

17:30

at it and as we

17:32

kind of decided one day,

17:34

we looked at what are

17:36

the topics that interest us,

17:38

including public finance and education

17:40

and criminal justice, that

17:42

the tie amongst those was this

17:44

policy component and these large systems

17:46

and market failures associated with it.

17:49

And so here's this huge healthcare

17:51

system. It's just obvious that we

17:53

need to start thinking about that.

17:55

And so one of the draws

17:57

was, I know that

17:59

there were a number of

18:02

abuses that or inefficiencies that

18:04

experts had identified, but

18:06

it was one that special interests were

18:08

very powerful in. And so that's why

18:10

- What is the main one of

18:12

those? So there's many.

18:14

So there's a big question

18:16

about How do you price

18:18

pharmaceuticals that are necessary to

18:20

quality of life but have

18:22

a regulated monopoly and that

18:24

are paid for by the

18:27

government? What's the pricing of

18:29

that? There's questions

18:31

about, so in Medicare

18:33

Advantage, you see

18:35

insurance companies have figured out loopholes

18:37

that if we upcode our patient

18:39

population, that is, we make them

18:42

look less healthy than they are.

18:44

then we get higher reimbursements. So

18:47

they tell their doctors, you know,

18:49

you need to spend time and go make sure,

18:51

like, ask every question about, you know, their health,

18:53

that even if this doesn't bother the patient at

18:56

all, they would never have mentioned it to the

18:58

doctor and it doesn't affect their quality of health,

19:00

whatever. If the insurance company

19:02

can check it on their records, they get

19:04

a higher reimbursement, right? And so you kind

19:06

of live in a world where every patient

19:09

is below average health, right? Or

19:12

things like site neutral policy. So

19:14

hospitals get higher reimbursements from Medicare

19:16

than a doctor's office that's in

19:19

the suburbs does. And

19:21

so what happens, the hospitals figure this out, they

19:23

buy the doctor's office, it's the same doctor in

19:25

the same location doing the same service. But now

19:27

it's a hospital. But because the

19:29

sign on the front door changed, you

19:32

know, the rates go up 50%. Are

19:34

you, there's been talk about doge, you

19:36

know, more generally, but getting, turning to

19:38

Medicare and Medicaid fraud. And I know

19:41

Obama's chief economic advisor for a while

19:43

was Christina Romer, a highly respected economist,

19:45

who at one point had published a

19:48

study where nearly 30 % of Medicare,

19:50

she said 30 % of its expenditures

19:52

could have been cut without any effect

19:55

on patient income. So there's a lot

19:57

of I don't know if it's waste,

19:59

fraud, or abuse, but there's a lot

20:02

of looseness in that system. Do

20:04

you think Doge or somebody,

20:06

like how do you cut

20:08

Medicare expenditures without having every

20:10

senior citizen in their personalized

20:13

rascal suit or marching or

20:15

driving on DC? Right. And

20:17

the fundamental principle is we

20:19

don't want to touch access

20:21

to care. Right. That's

20:23

not the right way to try

20:26

to lower costs in the healthcare

20:28

system. It is going after this

20:30

proverbial waste, fraud, and abuse. And

20:32

a lot of this stuff has been identified.

20:36

We've identified some of it. Many other

20:38

people have identified most of it. It's

20:40

always been more of a political problem. And

20:43

again, the health care... is

20:46

the most powerful of any in

20:48

the United States. It is just

20:50

amazing how many dollars and how

20:52

many bodies they have in DC

20:55

to try to make sure that

20:57

the system doesn't change. How do

20:59

you cut that? Yeah, so it

21:01

almost needs a forcing mechanism. And

21:04

you find that whenever Congress wants

21:06

to introduce something new, and

21:10

also feels compelled to pay

21:12

for it. So in the

21:14

IRA, Democrats put

21:16

in pharmaceutical pricing provisions

21:18

in it to save

21:20

money. And now

21:23

with the TCGA extension, that's probably going

21:25

to cost $4 .5 trillion or so.

21:28

And at least in the house reconciliation

21:30

instructions, they've mandated at least $2 trillion

21:32

of savings. And so

21:34

now you have this forcing function

21:36

that necessitates finding money, finding savings.

21:39

And without that, Congress

21:42

wouldn't act. They

21:44

know this stuff. The people in the

21:46

committee, they know it. But this is

21:48

just part of the political process that

21:50

until they need to pay for something

21:52

that they want even more and are

21:54

willing to infuriate all those lobbyists, then

21:56

it doesn't happen. And so we have

21:59

this very interesting window that's going to

22:01

happen sometime this year, right,

22:03

where it actually is, okay, we

22:05

need to find hundreds of billions

22:07

of dollars of savings in the

22:09

healthcare system. And there's more and

22:11

more consensus that that Congress doesn't

22:13

want that to come from access.

22:16

Right. And so then you have to go into

22:19

the waste front abuse. Criminal

22:21

justice year in Texas. Texas

22:24

I don't know if it's still the kind

22:26

of prison capital of America But you know

22:29

it was a big thing what what's your

22:31

interest in criminal justice and you know, what

22:33

are the you know What are what are

22:35

the best ways to kind of make the

22:38

criminal justice system? More I

22:40

was gonna say less punitive. I don't

22:42

actually I mean to be more efficient

22:44

better gas Yeah, yeah, I kind of

22:46

joke that we were government efficiency before

22:48

government efficiency was cool. We just We

22:50

didn't have a catchy name for it.

22:52

We call it evidence -based policy and

22:54

program integrity. And it's like

22:56

just thinking about the criminal justice system

22:58

and the goals of it and the

23:00

stakeholders. And so you can think about

23:02

the goals. Obviously, public safety is goal

23:04

number one, right? You can never lose

23:06

that. But there's

23:08

also the rights of the accused

23:10

and convicted, the kind of the

23:13

financial cost of the system, the

23:15

collateral damage to neighborhoods and to

23:17

families. And you can think

23:19

of more. And so the question is, how

23:21

do you balance those? And

23:24

especially, how can you improve some of

23:26

the other goals while maintaining or improving

23:28

public safety? And so that's kind of

23:30

our fundamental view of the field. And

23:34

we think there's been a lot

23:36

of things. And I think the

23:38

field has gone from the crime

23:40

bill under Clinton, which when crime

23:42

was climbing, you found the steady

23:44

trend and you know a very

23:46

rational response by Congress that was

23:48

you know just facing the wrath

23:50

of crime in the neighborhoods and

23:52

you had you know black communities

23:54

were calling for and actually leading

23:56

a lot of that effort right

23:58

because of the the damage that

24:00

the criminal activity was having in

24:02

these neighborhoods but we're in a

24:04

very different world right now and

24:06

kind of the amount of crimes

24:08

going down it's been on the

24:10

steady trend down And we've seen

24:12

the effect of that tough -on

24:14

-crime mantra in a number of

24:16

areas. And even Texas saw this.

24:18

So Texas very much had a

24:20

tough -on -crime mantra up until

24:22

about 2007, when there's this big

24:24

kind of famous prison bill that

24:26

came up that says, we need

24:29

to build seven new prisons and

24:31

stepped back and looked at the

24:33

financial cost of that and said,

24:35

OK, we've got to either raise

24:37

taxes or cut spending in education.

24:39

Or like, what if we just do

24:41

things smarter, right? And so it

24:44

went from tough on crime to smart on crime.

24:46

And I think that was the realization

24:49

that a conservative state is looking at

24:51

this saying we can maintain or even

24:53

improve public safety while we run the

24:56

system better. So a lot of it

24:58

is like forcing government to say, okay,

25:00

this has a this has a bill

25:03

that you have to pay kind of

25:05

in the here and now and then

25:07

people suddenly become much more creative, right,

25:10

and how they deliver education or health

25:12

care or safety, public safety. Right.

25:15

So I think there's components of it.

25:18

The criminal justice system is

25:20

just so complex from the

25:23

police, the DAs, public defenders,

25:25

the judges, the jails and

25:28

prisons, reentry system, including

25:30

parole and probation. And

25:32

we kind of work on all of

25:34

that. Yeah. And You know, there's no

25:36

magic bullet in this. There's silver bullet

25:38

in this. It is, you know, this

25:40

is constant. How do you make the

25:42

system slowly better over time? One

25:45

of the you do a lot of

25:47

work on gun violence as well. And

25:50

this for a libertarian audience, I think

25:52

people will be surprised by some of

25:54

the findings that you found the correlation

25:56

between gun ownership and gun violence. What

25:59

what has your, what has Arnold Ventures

26:01

broadly kind of found through its research

26:03

on guns? Yeah, like many issues, we

26:05

kind of get pulled into things. And

26:08

so we often find that policy makers

26:10

are struggling with an issue and they

26:12

come and say, you know, what's going

26:14

on in this field? And so obviously

26:17

there's been a lot of concern about

26:19

mass shootings and about homicides in general,

26:21

and the role of guns in those.

26:23

And so the question to us was,

26:26

you know, What is the evidence show?

26:28

And we very much view that as

26:30

part of our role in public policy

26:32

is generating data. Yeah, both generating research

26:35

as well as translating the research to

26:37

policymakers. And so we ended up funding

26:39

a lot of research on guns as

26:41

well as trying to translate that to

26:44

policymakers. And unfortunately, you

26:47

know, there's not a lot of good answers, right?

26:49

And so I think that one of the learnings

26:51

from it is that, you know, there's a limited

26:53

number of interventions, but, you know, if you look

26:55

at the things that, you know, are both constitutional,

26:58

as well as, you know, understand

27:01

and appreciate the hundreds of millions of guns that

27:04

are on the street today, as

27:06

well as that are effective, right?

27:08

It's a very small and in a

27:10

very broad sense. You know,

27:12

going back to say like the

27:15

mid nineties, there are many more

27:17

guns in circulation and it's legal

27:19

to own or carry guns. Gun

27:21

crime is generally down. But then

27:23

if I'm recalling correctly, some of

27:25

the research I did, I think

27:28

was through a ran study that

27:30

you guys funded finding that, you

27:32

know, for women, particularly having a

27:34

gun in the house raised the

27:36

court. There was a strong. 10

27:38

or 12 percent higher than average

27:41

correlation with suicide, things

27:43

like that. So part of it is

27:45

just figuring out what has actually happened.

27:47

Yeah, I think we've seen states institute

27:50

red flag laws saying that for people

27:52

who are not you know, mentally stable

27:54

for a certain time period that the

27:57

state can remove their guns. You

27:59

know, it's controversial. It's controversial in

28:01

conservative states. There's an effort, you

28:03

know, in Texas right now to

28:05

revoke some of those, or, you

28:07

know, to not recognize other states,

28:09

Red Fly Rawls. And

28:12

so there's, you know, a tough

28:14

area. Unfortunately, not

28:16

everything has a great answer to it. And

28:19

sometimes we just say, we

28:21

don't have a great solution. How

28:23

do you define yourself kind of

28:25

politically or ideologically? Because you fund

28:27

market -based groups, libertarian groups. Your

28:29

background is in trading. I want

28:32

to talk a little bit about

28:34

that. Many

28:37

of your policy goals seem to

28:39

be fully in line with a

28:41

kind of progressive mentality. Do you

28:44

think of yourself as particularly this

28:46

or that when it comes to

28:48

ideology or politics? Yeah, I think

28:50

I'd disagree that our answers are

28:53

more progressive. I wasn't taking

28:55

answers. I mean, like the goals. Yeah.

28:58

Actually, I think

29:00

I'd disagree with that. I think what we

29:02

find is policy makers want

29:04

solutions, especially local and state

29:06

policymakers who don't have the

29:09

ability just to spend more

29:11

money at problems. They

29:13

want to know what to do. And

29:15

especially if you can come and

29:18

say, here's what the evidence is

29:20

as to how you can improve

29:22

outcomes for any system without spending

29:24

more money. We find that whether

29:26

you're a Republican or a Democrat,

29:29

that there's a lot of interest there. And we work with

29:31

people on the far left, we work with people on the

29:33

far right. You know,

29:35

it tends to be just very much

29:37

issue specific. So we often

29:39

get asked in, right? And so we're not going

29:41

to show up in some community and say, you

29:44

know, you should do X. It's

29:46

a community that's struggling with a problem

29:48

and kind of ask us for help.

29:50

And we try to provide that. And

29:52

that, I mean, what I think, you

29:54

know, what I find most interesting in

29:57

a lot of ways about what you

29:59

guys are doing is this commitment to

30:01

either open science or science with integrity

30:03

or research with integrity, that

30:06

seems fascinating. That's kind of

30:08

what you're focusing on is

30:10

getting actual data and then

30:12

making sure that this stuff

30:14

is real as opposed to

30:16

you're doing research that just

30:18

happens to find what you

30:20

wanted to find. How

30:22

did you get interested in that? I

30:25

had one thing to the previous question

30:27

because I think a lot of One

30:29

of the criteria that we have on

30:31

when to enter a new area is

30:33

when do we think this bipartisan window

30:35

is going to open? And

30:37

we think, you know, we're very

30:39

hesitant to work in partisan issues. There's

30:42

a lot of groups that are interested

30:44

in partisan side. There's a lot of

30:46

funding and think tanks that are interested

30:48

in partisan issues. And there's kind

30:50

of a Darth that are looking at

30:52

where's the policy window open, kind of

30:54

the intersection of left and right. And

30:56

part of that is that the will

30:58

to try to address an issue comes.

31:01

And then we try to hope on, okay,

31:03

where are the bipartisan solutions? Because we think

31:06

if they are bipartisan, that they'll be more

31:08

sustainable. And the

31:10

next administration doesn't throw it out and

31:12

do their own things. So

31:15

the question on what got us

31:17

interested in an evidence base, some

31:21

of that was my background

31:23

in trading and thinking about

31:25

that there had to be,

31:27

you're always questioning, you

31:29

know, what, you know, are

31:32

you right? Are your assumptions on a

31:34

problem right? And every day you go

31:36

in and like, here's my view. What's

31:39

the counter side? What's the counter argument for that?

31:42

And then I think, you know, trying

31:44

to, you know, enter

31:46

this field of philanthropy, which is

31:49

enormously complicated, without

31:51

especially at the time without great data and

31:54

try to figure out, okay, what's the highest

31:56

value add we can have in the field?

31:58

And that was involved trying to read a

32:00

lot of research and a lot of studies.

32:03

And sometimes we learned stuff from

32:05

that and sometimes we ended up

32:07

more confused than when we started

32:09

after that. And so we realized

32:12

that there was both a dearth

32:14

of supply and demand of evidence

32:16

in policymaking. And so we

32:18

wanted to attack both problems and we

32:20

wanted to go fund a lot new

32:22

of high quality research on kind of

32:25

social policy and social programs, try to

32:27

figure out what works and what doesn't.

32:30

And then second, you can do all

32:32

the supply, you can fund,

32:34

but if nobody's taking it up,

32:36

if nobody's using it, then it

32:38

doesn't do any good. So there

32:40

has to be kind of the

32:43

corresponding, how do you increase demand

32:45

for it? And so like this

32:47

week, we were in Oklahoma with

32:49

Governor Stitt. announcing this new program

32:51

to bring new funding for proven

32:54

programs that meet the highest bar

32:56

of success from the research into

32:58

Oklahoma. And it's 10

33:00

million of our money, 10 million of

33:03

state money, which in the grand scheme

33:05

of things is not that much money,

33:07

but it's an attempt to change the

33:09

culture of how state legislatures start allocating.

33:12

What's one of the issues that

33:14

you're like, okay, we're we're going

33:16

to look at, like here's where

33:18

the good research clearly points, these

33:20

are better programs or policies

33:22

than whatever else was being

33:25

considered. Yeah, I think one

33:27

of the trends has been

33:29

this push for college for

33:31

all, right? And trying

33:33

to put as many people into college.

33:36

And then with the benefit of

33:39

hindsight now, we get to see

33:41

what this 20 plus years of

33:43

college for all, what the results

33:46

are. And I think society

33:48

is looking back and saying, scratching their heads and saying,

33:50

you know, there are a

33:52

lot of people who enrolled who

33:54

did not get certificates or degrees

33:56

that the market valued, right, the

33:58

purpose of going. Although there is

34:00

still a premium, right, to having

34:03

a college degree. Well, generally. So

34:05

I think on average, right, those with

34:07

college degrees, you know, do much better

34:09

financially than those without college degrees. But

34:11

a lot of that is selection bias.

34:13

Right. And so if you think about

34:15

the marginal kid, you know, is it

34:17

right? You know, the right path to

34:19

go to college to go to a

34:21

four year college, two year college, you

34:23

know, certificate program, you know, an apprenticeship

34:25

program, etc. And I think,

34:28

you know, one thing that's been missing there. has

34:30

been good data and good transparency

34:33

on outcomes. And so that's

34:35

really, you know, a field that we've

34:37

been trying to push on is like, whenever a kid's

34:39

making that decision is 18 years old and trying to

34:41

decide, what am I going to do for the next

34:43

four years? At least have

34:45

good data about, you know, kids that

34:47

look like me or have the same

34:49

background, academic background that I do. And

34:52

they go to this school and major

34:54

in this thing or get this degree.

34:56

Like, what are they, how?

34:58

effective as that. And then I guess

35:00

going backwards that also I mean clearly

35:03

you know K through 12 curricula particularly

35:05

in high school has changed so that

35:07

in many parts of the country things

35:09

like vocational and technical education has just

35:12

kind of disappeared partly because if everybody's

35:14

going to college then you're not going

35:16

to have as many shop classes etc

35:18

and if you find out that well

35:20

you know what like a lot of

35:23

people would flourish you know doing a

35:25

trade you could start doing that in

35:27

high school. Right. And I think there

35:29

was, you know, been this longstanding concern

35:32

about tracking kids. Right. And,

35:34

you know, today we track them

35:36

at age 18. Right. Right. And

35:38

the question is, is 18 the

35:40

right age? And if

35:42

we think, you know, kids in

35:44

high school should not necessarily be

35:46

tracked, but they can be introduced

35:48

to programs, right? You can have

35:50

more options open. Yeah. Right. And

35:53

so there's been this very broad

35:55

bipartisan interest in kind of reintroducing

35:57

CTE. back into high school. And

35:59

again, just to show like, you know, if you're

36:01

like to work with your hands, here are some

36:03

careers that are in high demand, pay high wages

36:06

that are open to you. And you know, here's

36:08

an introduction to them. You know, you can still

36:10

you're still on the path to go to a

36:12

four -year school if that's what you choose or

36:14

a two -year school, but here's also a career

36:16

path. It's kind of exciting, right? I mean, we

36:18

seem to be at a point where a lot

36:20

of stuff that's been around for, you know, say

36:23

50 or really 100 years, things like occupational licensing,

36:25

zoning, or the kind of

36:27

post -war education system, a

36:30

lot of it's coming up for review,

36:32

right, which is good. You know because

36:34

it but we're living a different world

36:36

agree Can I ask this is a

36:38

might be a strange question to you?

36:40

But what is it like? What's it

36:42

feel like being a billionaire? Because

36:46

there's not that many

36:48

of you You know

36:50

it They that process

36:52

of going from not

36:54

a billionaire. Yeah, too

36:56

very wealthy, right? It

36:59

was kind of shocking. Yeah, it kind of

37:01

is a shock to the system And

37:04

I think it started to change my

37:07

personality a little bit and then my

37:09

family kind of slaps me up right

37:11

like get back to it like okay,

37:14

and then and then like now it's

37:16

you know My vacations are better than

37:18

you know if I if I weren't

37:20

a billionaire, right? But much of my

37:23

life is kind of the same. Yeah,

37:25

and it's like you get happiness from

37:27

you know success in your family you

37:30

get happiness by you know spending time

37:32

with friends By having high quality moments.

37:34

Yeah, I probably work more hours today

37:37

than I've ever worked in my life

37:39

and so And you launched into you

37:41

know kind of your career or maybe

37:43

not launched into your career, but you

37:46

worked at Enron And you and I

37:48

mean when Enron collapsed you were not

37:50

you were not touched by any kind

37:53

of scandal or anything right now But

37:55

what is it like to you know

37:57

if you Google? If somebody Googles you,

37:59

one of the first things to learn

38:02

is that I think in 2001 or

38:04

2002 or so, right before Enron went

38:06

into bankruptcy, you were given,

38:09

I think it was an $8 million

38:11

bonus and you had made them like

38:13

hundreds of millions of dollars. So in

38:15

a way, it's like, why only eight?

38:17

But what is it like to have

38:19

made your bones at the company that

38:21

more than any other company in our

38:23

lifetime is the poster child for just

38:25

kind of bullshit, fake capitalism? Yeah,

38:28

it was you know, I started

38:30

to Enron directly out of school

38:33

when I was 21 years old

38:35

and it was a fantastic place

38:37

to work Because it was growing

38:40

so quickly. It was really pioneering

38:42

a new industry Everybody wanted to

38:44

be Enron. They know all the

38:47

other Historic natural gas pipeline companies

38:49

were the you know hiring Enron

38:51

people away to go, you know

38:54

copy the Enron business model which

38:56

then allowed a young person that

38:58

you know, could prove that they

39:01

could handle responsibility and was motivated

39:03

to move up much faster at

39:06

Enron than in a different type

39:08

of field. And

39:10

so I was a huge beneficiary of that. My

39:12

timing was kind of exactly right. By

39:15

the time I was 26 years old, I was

39:17

the head trader at Enron. And

39:20

Enron was the largest firm

39:22

in my industry. And

39:24

so just an enormous amount of

39:26

benefit from being there at a

39:29

young age. So what was at

39:31

root, what was the scam in

39:33

Enron? And is it, yeah, answer

39:35

that. I think it was hubris.

39:38

It was a company

39:40

where the culture was,

39:42

we can't do wrong.

39:46

And so what started to happen

39:48

was, Enron,

39:50

had a great thing, kind

39:52

of discovered this new industry.

39:55

It actually was kind of originated

39:57

out of the degreagulation of natural

40:00

gas that happened in the 80s.

40:03

And the energy system in America used to

40:05

be very highly regulated, used to be kind

40:07

of the government would set the price of

40:10

natural gas, and then you get these booms

40:12

and And it was

40:14

clear that that was a bad

40:16

system. Jimmy Carter started to do

40:18

regulation in the late 70s and

40:20

then Reagan and then finally with

40:22

Bush. And

40:25

then so what happened was the

40:27

system used to be integrated. We

40:29

had the producer and the pipeline

40:31

and the end user would kind

40:34

of be the same. It was

40:36

recognition that the natural monopoly of

40:38

those three was the pipeline. And

40:40

so let's separate that out and

40:43

highly regulate that. But the

40:45

producers, that's kind of a naturally

40:47

highly competitive market. And end users,

40:49

that's a highly competitive market. So

40:52

it created the need for someone

40:54

to do the logistics of moving

40:56

gas around. And that was really

40:58

what Enron kind of, as it

41:01

emerged from just a natural gas

41:03

pipeline and production company, it started

41:05

being logistics company. And it was

41:07

serving a huge need for the

41:09

market that still exists through today.

41:13

and earned a lot of money

41:15

from it. And it started trying

41:17

to apply that logistics framework to

41:19

other industries. The power industry was

41:21

deregulating during this time as well.

41:23

And there was parts of the

41:25

water industry were deregulating and the

41:27

growth of broadband and people thought

41:29

you could trade broadband and trucking

41:31

and all these things. And

41:34

this was the rise of

41:36

using the internet for disintermediation.

41:39

And so there was kind of

41:41

a lot of value creation to

41:43

be done. And

41:45

Enron was, you know, started having

41:47

these very consistent and high growth

41:49

earnings. And because of that, it

41:52

got rewarded by the market by

41:54

having a high PE valuation and

41:56

much higher than its peers. Right.

41:59

And then you almost get trapped

42:02

by that, where if you're being

42:04

rewarded because you're growing faster and

42:06

more consistently than the market, The

42:09

problem is that if you ever miss

42:11

that, you lose that huge premium. And

42:14

if not, your stock goes down 5%, but you

42:16

lose 50%. And I think kind of looking back,

42:18

it was very similar to what happened with GE.

42:21

The two companies were kind of

42:23

almost identical in their hubris and

42:25

how they traded relative to their

42:27

peer companies. And you

42:30

saw GE, which came days

42:32

from going bankrupt. It was only

42:34

saved because it was deemed a

42:36

strategic financial institution in 2008. And

42:39

it took 10 years for them to work out. And

42:43

Enron did go bankrupt, of course.

42:45

One of the things that's interesting

42:47

is Enron, almost a year before

42:49

the scandal kind of publicly hit

42:51

and it kind of was vaporized,

42:54

the market started You know

42:56

turning against it. So in a way

42:58

I mean like Enron is held up

43:01

as this you know This is what

43:03

capitalism brings these fake companies that create

43:05

bubbles and then you know destroy the

43:07

lives of people That's one way of

43:09

looking at it as part of it

43:12

also that the markets kind of over

43:14

time like they figure out who's scamming

43:16

and who's not yeah, and I think

43:18

the regulation changed mm -hmm after Enron

43:20

and I think you know people complain

43:23

about it, but one of the you

43:25

know great things about the U .S.

43:27

capital market system is that investors put

43:29

a higher level of trust into American

43:32

companies than they do overseas companies, partially

43:34

because of these regs. And we can have the

43:37

debates about the cost benefit and is it a

43:39

little bit too much? Is it not enough? But

43:42

I think some of that regulatory

43:44

framework is valuable. And

43:47

because of that, again,

43:49

the American companies trade

43:52

at higher multiples because of the

43:54

confidence from investors and they're held

43:56

to higher standards. And

43:59

I think capital markets over time figure

44:01

these things out. The

44:03

frauds, unfortunately, you can't get rid

44:06

of them entirely. And

44:08

whenever it happens, there's always going to be a lot of pain.

44:10

There's to be a lot of pain from the employees. to

44:13

be a lot of pain from

44:15

investors in the communities in which

44:17

these firms operate. But

44:20

I think We've gotten

44:22

better as a society,

44:24

as a financial industry

44:26

of minimizing those over

44:29

time. You

44:31

say, okay, sometimes the regulations go

44:33

overboard, sometimes they're not enough. Coming

44:36

out of the, I guess Enrom

44:39

but the tech bubble more generally,

44:41

there were things like Sarbanes Oxley,

44:43

which supposedly chased a lot of

44:45

companies. over to Europe. They would

44:47

list there rather than the US

44:49

because of some of the clauses

44:51

that were put into financial regulation,

44:53

something like Dodd -Frank coming out

44:55

of the financial crisis. Is

44:58

there a way to get

45:00

regulation right from the beginning

45:02

as opposed to reacting and

45:04

then overreacting and then having

45:06

a correction to that? I

45:09

don't think there is. I think a lot

45:11

of this is just learning by doing. Financial

45:15

industry changes over time. People

45:18

find ways to get around the regulation and

45:20

then you kind of have to adjust it

45:22

or wait for something to blow up and

45:25

get the political will to adjust it. And

45:28

so I think this is the

45:30

benefit of what happens at state

45:32

policy versus federal policy is that

45:34

getting things right the first time

45:36

is very difficult. And

45:39

in state policy, they're willing to go

45:41

back on an issue and fix it

45:43

the next year and adjust it again

45:45

the next year. And you see this

45:47

with housing policies. And they'll pass something.

45:50

And then the industry says, OK, you

45:52

adjust these three things, but you forgot

45:54

this fourth thing. Or this isn't working.

45:56

And you go fix it. Whereas at

45:58

the federal level, it feels like once

46:01

every 20 years, you get one bill

46:03

on an issue, whether that's for health

46:05

care or financial industry. and

46:07

or immigration not even at 250

46:10

exactly exactly and you're stuck with

46:12

the mistakes of it yeah right

46:14

and and then it becomes a

46:16

longer that those loopholes or and

46:18

the bad regulatory regime lasts the

46:21

harder it is to fix it

46:23

and you almost need the whole

46:25

thing to blow up somehow in

46:27

order to get the political will

46:30

to go do it again. You

46:32

have a very lively Twitter presence

46:34

and when I read your stuff

46:36

on Twitter, I'm like, oh, this

46:39

is optimistic in the sense that

46:41

you're engaging questions and they seem

46:43

to be answerable and that we

46:45

can do policy better rather than

46:48

worse. Do you feel like

46:50

we're we're in a good age for

46:52

public policy or for the possibilities of

46:54

things? I mean, how do you how

46:56

do you feel about the next couple

46:59

of years, the next 10 years, the

47:01

next 20 years? Great

47:04

question. First, I think you're

47:06

the first person who's ever said my Twitter feed

47:08

was optimistic. I should remind

47:11

sometimes. You know, I

47:13

think we've always tried to not just

47:15

point out problems but try to be

47:17

constructive and say, okay, here's a problem

47:20

and here's an idea about how to

47:22

make the system better. It's easy to

47:24

sit in the audience and just throw

47:26

peanuts at the people who are coming

47:28

up with policy and actually coming up

47:30

with better policies hard. And

47:33

so we've tried to keep that standard. But

47:35

next 10, 20 years,

47:38

it's always made sense to

47:40

bet on America. Right. It's

47:42

been such a robust country

47:44

under so many different challenges.

47:47

And so America faces some challenges today. It

47:49

faced different challenges 10 years ago. You know,

47:51

faced different challenges in 10 years. And,

47:54

you know, I want to bet

47:56

on it because it's worked. Yeah.

47:58

Do you worry, you know, in

48:00

a kind of Trump 2 .0

48:03

or Trump second term, one

48:05

of the things that I think he

48:07

recognized in a way that, you know,

48:09

say, Hillary Clinton didn't quite as explicitly

48:12

is that we were kind of post

48:14

hegemon or you know he he recognized

48:16

that people were feeling anxious about the

48:18

current time in the future and you

48:21

know he talked about he you know

48:23

that he we could go back to

48:25

a time when you know a single

48:27

you know one male income

48:29

earner could have an industrial job and,

48:31

you know, have, you know, 50 children

48:33

and buy steak every week and all

48:35

of this kind of stuff. It's a

48:37

false vision of the past, but he

48:40

recognized there's a lot of anxiety. And

48:42

we're in a very economically uncertain time.

48:44

Do you feel like when you say

48:46

it's good to bet on America, it

48:48

seems in a lot of ways, people

48:50

don't share that kind of optimism anymore?

48:52

What, what do you do you think

48:54

Trump is the solution going forward or

48:58

you know, where

49:00

do we go to regain our optimism

49:02

more broadly, I guess? Tough

49:05

question. I'm not sure I have a

49:07

great answer for it. I think, you

49:09

know, it's, innovation's gotten

49:12

harder over time. And there's been a

49:14

lot written about this, about, you know,

49:16

the difficulties in finding the next breakthrough,

49:18

right? And so, you know, how much

49:20

of that rise in incomes, which is

49:22

a rise in quality of life that

49:24

happened in the 20th century was picking

49:26

the low hanging fruit. of

49:28

innovations. Because at the end

49:30

of the day, a society can

49:32

only consume what it produces over

49:35

the long term. And so productivity

49:37

and innovation are key to that.

49:40

And if that's getting harder,

49:42

then quality of life gains decrease

49:45

just broadly. It doesn't matter who

49:47

the president is or which party

49:49

is in charge. And

49:52

I think this is where you

49:54

know, tech and, you know, there's all these

49:56

great advancements or promises of next generation

49:58

of technology you know, the

50:00

real chance to greatly

50:02

improve quality of life

50:04

for people. I think you

50:06

know, one potential outcome.

50:09

You can imagine different outcomes

50:11

from the It might end

50:13

up you know, meeting expectations

50:15

and kind of being you know,

50:17

gains, but not transformative

50:19

gains. And I think that's

50:21

the big question is, you know, especially you

50:23

look at the U financial situation and

50:25

U .S. demographics, if

50:27

you spend too much time looking at

50:30

that, it's hard to walk away and

50:32

say, I want to on America because we're

50:34

facing a lot of headwinds. then

50:36

question is, can technology and

50:39

innovation make up for that?

50:41

Well, I guess that's why I

50:43

think you're optimistic because you're not

50:45

saying and you know AI or next technology is

50:48

to destroy us all It's probably

50:50

going to be at least marge along John

50:52

Arnold. thanks so much for talking reason

50:54

been great meeting you.

Unlock more with Podchaser Pro

  • Audience Insights
  • Contact Information
  • Demographics
  • Charts
  • Sponsor History
  • and More!
Pro Features